Southeast Asia Treaty Organization

1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 660-661 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Military Exercises ◽  
Official Statement ◽  
Military Planning ◽  
Collective Defense ◽  
The Government ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Military ◽  
Planning Office ◽  
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization

The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) Council of Ministers held its seventh annual meeting on March 27–29, 1961, in Bangkok, Thailand. The ministers exchanged information on matters affecting the treaty area and studied the report of the military advisers, who had met the preceding week. In an official statement issued at the conclusion of the meeting, the Council announced that if the current efforts to end hostilities in Laos failed, and active military attempts to obtain control of the country continued, the members of SEATO were prepared, within the terms of its treaty, to take whatever action might be appropriate in the circumstances. The Council noted with concern the continued offensive by rebel elements in Laos, who were continuing to be supplied and assisted by communist powers in flagrant disregard of the Geneva Accords, and emphasized that SEATO had no aggressive intentions. The Council desired a united, independent, and sovereign Laos, not subordinate to any nation or group of nations. The statement also expressed concern at the efforts of an armed minority, supported from the outside, to destroy the government of Vietnam and declared SEATO's firm resolve not to acquiesce in any such takeover of that country. Finally, the Council recorded its view that the organization should continue to keep developments in Laos and Vietnam under urgent and constant review. On other aspects of the situation in the treaty area, the Council firmly reiterated the need for collective defense, and for economic and social development. The Council stressed the importance of continuing to develop good relations and of increasing the sense of community among free countries in the area. The Council noted that further progress had been made during the year in jointly studying techniques of subversion and insurgency and in exchanging information on means of countering such activities. It noted with satisfaction the planning work of the military advisers, the reorganization of the military planning office, and the effective coordination achieved by the forces of member countries in the several military exercises conducted during the past year.

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization

1956 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 663-664
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Military Planning ◽  
Planning Group ◽  
The Military ◽  
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization

The military staff planners of the eight countries members of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) met at Singapore beginning June 11, 1956, to discuss the task of bringing military planning under SEATO to a point where a permanent planning group might be formed. According to press reports, the group was concerned about the feeling that SEATO lacked concrete accomplishments. Recommendations formulated by the planners were to be put before a later meeting of the military advisers to the SEATO Council.1

scholarly journals The Security Aspects of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary in March-April 1918

2019 ◽  
pp. 141-156
Author(s):  
Olexander Nazarchuk ◽  
Pavlo Satskyi
Keyword(s):  
Transport System ◽  
Communication System ◽  
Practical Importance ◽  
Difficult Situation ◽  
Post Offices ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Military

In this article the research of the problem of the relations between the government of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the leadership of German occupational troops in the support of the transport system work and the post-offices in the period of time of March-April 1918 has been made. The study is based on archival documents that cover the position of the leaders of the Ukrainian People’s Republic with respect to the German command’s measures to ensure the operation of transport and communication as well as the financial aspects of relations with the German occupation command. The collapse of the financial system of the former Russian Empire and the military breakup led to a difficult situation with the railway and the post offices. However, the stable work of these institutions was a principal question for the security of Ukrainian People’s Republic as well as for the German occupational leadership. The most acute aspect was the question of paying salaries to the railway employees as well as to the employees of the post offices. Disregarding this question could lead to strikes. The German leadership suggested to pay salaries to the employees of the railway and the post offices on their own, but this offer was categorically rejected by Ukrainian People’s Republic because it could have led to the absence of security in the country. More over, over the problem of the functioning of the transport system and the communication system the complicated negotiations between the government of Ukrainian People’s Republic and German representatives in terms of the loan took place. Trade, financial and credit relations between the UPR and Germany and Austria-Hungary should have been built around the problem of compensation payments to postal and railway workers. In March-April 1918 the fight between the government of Ukrainian People Republic and the leadership of the German occupational troops over the actual influence on the transport and communication system in Ukrainian People’s Republic took place. In fact, the question of the right for the sovereignty arose for the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic to make the fundamentals of the state security of Ukraine independently. The problems of relations between the UPR government and the occupation command requires a deeper study in view of their practical importance, in particular, in the context of consistent formation of inter-state relations in the finance, transport, and communication sectors as a phenomenon prevailing in the 20th century.

Southeast Asia Treaty Organization

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 350-351 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
New Zealand ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Military ◽  
Southeast Asia Treaty Organization

The fifth meeting of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) Council was held in Wellington from April 8 to 10, 1959, under the chairmanship of the New Zealand Prime Minister and Minister of External Affairs, the Right Hon. Walter Nash. The Council discussed reports and recommendations by the Council representatives, the military advisers, and the Secretary-General, and in the light of them gave directions with regard to the activities of the organization in the coming year. The communique issued at the close of the meeting noted that despite the continuing possibility of open aggression, the principal threat to the security and independence of the treaty area was now being presented in more indirect forms. The Council members were aware of the opportunities afforded for subversive activities in situations where basic problems of hunger, lack of opportunity, and underdevelopment remained unsolved. The Council stated that SEATO had done much to publicize and expose throughout the treaty area the objectives toward which subversion was directed and the methods by which it operated, and it agreed that during the coming year arrangements should be made for the further strengthening of this aspect of SEATO's work. For example, it was proposed that a meeting of experts on counter-subversion should be held in Pakistan. The Council members recognized the need for continuing action in the economic and social spheres.

Regime Change in Contemporary Turkey

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Necati Polat
Keyword(s):  
Recent Change ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
New Order ◽  
Making Sense ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Subsequent Phase ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
The Military

This book explores the transformation of Turkey’s political regime from 2002 under the AKP rule. Turkey has been through a series of major political shifts historically, roughly from the mid-19th century. The book details the most recent change, locating it in its broader historical setting. Beginning with the AKP rule from late 2002, supported by a wide informal coalition that included liberals, it describes how the ‘former’ Islamists gradually acquired full power between 2007 and 2011. It then chronicles the subsequent phase, looking at politics and rights under the amorphous new order. This highly accessible assessment of the change in question places it in the larger context of political modernisation in the country over the past 150 or so years, covering all of the main issues in contemporary Turkish politics: the religious and secular divide, the Kurds, the military, foreign policy orientation, the state of human rights, the effective concentration of powers in the government and a rule by policy, rather than law, initiated by Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian populism. The discussion at once situates Turkey in the broader milieu of the Arab Spring, especially in terms of Islamist politics and Muslim piety in the public sphere, with some emphasis on ‘Islamo-nationalism’ (Millî Görüş) as a local Islamist variety. Effortlessly blending history, politics, law, social theory and philosophy in making sense of the change, the book uses the concept of mimesis to show that continuity is a key element in Turkish politics, despite the series of radical breaks that have occurred.

PUBLIC DIPLOMACY RELATIONS OF UZBEKISTAN WITH MALAYSIA DURING THE YEARS OF INDEPENDENCE

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 17-25
Author(s):  
Otabek Alimardonov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
The Government

Today, Malaysia is one of the most developed countries in Southeast Asia and a close partner of Uzbekistan in the region. Taking into account the peculiarities of the development and achievements of the countries of Southeast Asia, the Government of Uzbekistan from the first years of independence has paid special attention to the establishment and development of cooperation with Malaysia

Critical Analysis on the Comparative Advantage of Presidentialism over Parliamentary System on Liberty and National Unity in Ethiopia

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Sisay A. Temesgen
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Advantage ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Separation Of Powers ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Government ◽  
Executive Organ ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Impact

Abstract The Ethiopian Federal Democratic Republic (EFDR) Constitution is promulgated in 1994. Under Article (45) of the EFDR the country is restructured from presidential to parliamentary system of government. Since then, the country has been ravaged by the gross violation of the liberty of citizens and the crisis of national unity and consensus among the diversified ethnic groups. The impact of the parliamentary system in aggravating those critical challenges and the comparative advantage of presidantialism is the most ignored political research topic. In this Article, I investigated that the blurry separation of powers of the parliamentary structure of the country has created fusion of powers which has undermined the system of checks and balances. Thus, the executive organ of the government has enabled to concentrate unchecked and unaccountable power which has manifested in the gross violation of the liberty of citizens. Likewise, Article (73) of EFDR has declared that the prime minister and council of ministers of the country to be appointed by the legislators. This has deprived their boarder popular base and authenticity; and equivocally undermined their potency and decisiveness in addressing the existing crisis of national unity and consensus. Comparatively, the presidential structure of government is defined by the firm separation of powers and genuine system of checks and balances. The direct popular election of the president enables the president and council of ministers to secure broader popular base and authenticity. Thus, it is advantageous over parliamentarian structure in terms of protecting the liberty of citizens and addressing the crisis of national unity and consensus in Ethiopia.

Concepts for reconstruction of the maritime economy of the polish underground state...in the years 1940–1944

2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (324) ◽  
pp. 142-151
Author(s):  
Bogdan Chrzanowski
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Central And Eastern Europe ◽  
Economic Structure ◽  
Maritime Economy ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Military

The regaining of the country’s independence, and then its revival after the war damages, including itseconomic infrastructure – these were the tasks set by the Polish government in exile, first in Paris and thenin London. The maritime economy was to play an important role here. The Polish government was fullyaware of the enormous economic and strategic benefits resulting from the fact that it had a coast, withthe port of Gdynia before the war. It was assumed that both in Gdynia and in the ports that were to belongto Poland after the war: Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, Gdańsk, Elbląg, Królewiec, the economic structure was to betransformed, and they were to become the supply points for Central and Eastern Europe. Work on thereconstruction of the post-war maritime economy was mainly carried out by the Ministry of Industry, Tradeand Shipping. In London, in 1942–1943, a number of government projects were set up to rebuild the entiremaritime infrastructure. All projects undertaken in exile were related to activities carried out by individualunderground divisions of the Polish Underground State domestically, i.e. the “Alfa” Naval Department of theHome Army Headquarters, the Maritime Department of the Military Bureau of Industry and Trade of the Headof the Military Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters and the Maritime Department of the Departmentof Industry Trade and Trade Delegation of the Government of the Republic of Poland in Poland. The abovementionedorganizational units also prepared plans for the reconstruction of the maritime economy, and theprojects developed in London were sent to the country. They collaborated here and a platform for mutualunderstanding was found.

Civil–Military Relations and Russia’s Post-Soviet Military Culture: A Belief System Analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 0095327X2110629
Author(s):  
Kirill Shamiev
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Belief System ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Military Culture ◽  
Institutional Autonomy ◽  
Civil Military Relations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
The Military

This article studies the role of military culture in defense policymaking. It focuses on Russia’s post-Soviet civil–military relations and military reform attempts. After the fall of the Soviet Union, Russia’s armed forces were in a state of despair. Despite having relative institutional autonomy, the military neither made itself more effective before minister Serdyukov nor tried to overthrow the government. The paper uses the advocacy coalition framework’s belief system approach to analyze data from military memoirs, parliamentary speeches, and 15 interviews. The research shows that the military’s support for institutional autonomy, combined with its elites’ self-serving bias, critically contributed to what I term an “imperfect equilibrium” in Russian civil–military relations: the military could not reform itself and fought back against radical, though necessary, changes imposed by civilian leadership.

Changes in Income Distribution in Brazil

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodolfo Hoffmann
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Household Income ◽  
Gini Index ◽  
Military Coup ◽  
Transfer Programs ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Very High

Income inequality in Brazil, already high, increased after the military coup of 1964 and remained very high even after democratization in the 1980s. It decreased substantially in the period 2001–2014, after inflation was controlled. The Gini index of the per capita household income dropped from 0.594 in 2001 to 0.513 in 2014. The determinants of this decline in inequality are analyzed considering the components of that income and how each one affected changes in inequality, showing the impact of changes in the remuneration of private sector employees and in pensions paid by the government, as well as federal transfer programs. Changes in education lie behind the first of these effects, and the increase of the minimum wage reinforced all three. The economic crises after 2014 interrupted the process of decline, and among economically active persons, inequality even increased from 2014 to 2015. Measures to further reduce inequality are suggested.

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