scholarly journals The Security Aspects of the Ukrainian People’s Republic in Relations with Germany and Austria-Hungary in March-April 1918

2019 ◽  
pp. 141-156
Author(s):  
Olexander Nazarchuk ◽  
Pavlo Satskyi

In this article the research of the problem of the relations between the government of Ukrainian People’s Republic and the leadership of German occupational troops in the support of the transport system work and the post-offices in the period of time of March-April 1918 has been made. The study is based on archival documents that cover the position of the leaders of the Ukrainian People’s Republic with respect to the German command’s measures to ensure the operation of transport and communication as well as the financial aspects of relations with the German occupation command. The collapse of the financial system of the former Russian Empire and the military breakup led to a difficult situation with the railway and the post offices. However, the stable work of these institutions was a principal question for the security of Ukrainian People’s Republic as well as for the German occupational leadership. The most acute aspect was the question of paying salaries to the railway employees as well as to the employees of the post offices. Disregarding this question could lead to strikes. The German leadership suggested to pay salaries to the employees of the railway and the post offices on their own, but this offer was categorically rejected by Ukrainian People’s Republic because it could have led to the absence of security in the country. More over, over the problem of the functioning of the transport system and the communication system the complicated negotiations between the government of Ukrainian People’s Republic and German representatives in terms of the loan took place. Trade, financial and credit relations between the UPR and Germany and Austria-Hungary should have been built around the problem of compensation payments to postal and railway workers. In March-April 1918 the fight between the government of Ukrainian People Republic and the leadership of the German occupational troops over the actual influence on the transport and communication system in Ukrainian People’s Republic took place. In fact, the question of the right for the sovereignty arose for the Council of Ministers of Ukrainian People’s Republic to make the fundamentals of the state security of Ukraine independently. The problems of relations between the UPR government and the occupation command requires a deeper study in view of their practical importance, in particular, in the context of consistent formation of inter-state relations in the finance, transport, and communication sectors as a phenomenon prevailing in the 20th century.

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-50
Author(s):  
Nadirsah Hawari ◽  
Rachma Octariani ◽  
Eva Rosalia ◽  
Sinta Arifka ◽  
Asep Candra

Abstract According to Islamic Shari'a, holding a public office is not a right for an individual, but an obligation for the State. Therefore, the government, both the regional head and all its officials, must select the most suitable and most suitable person for every government job. It should not be made of nepotism by looking at kinship, friendship, or faction from any relationship with the eligibility of someone to hold a position .The existing rulers should appoint officials from the best people (al-ashlah), the Prophet said which means "whoever holds a Muslim's business (meaning being a ruler) then he appoints someone to be an official even though he knows there are more people good for (benefit) of the Muslims, then really he has betrayed Allah and His Messenger "(Ibn Taimiyah). If the head of state or other officials do not find the right person for a certain position, in this situation they must choose the person who is more representative. Representative here means the person who is the most appropriate from the one for each government position. And also in this selection process, the head of state and other officials must know about the standards of eligibility al-quwwah (strength) and al-amanah (trust). Al-Quwwah is the ability and feasibility of a job assignment. Whereas trusteeship is a behavior that focuses on the management process regarding the position or function of a position that is in accordance with Islamic Shari'a with the intention of only devoting to Allah and not based on fear of humans and expecting their self-interest. nominating yourself is required to convey the vision and mission and the state program that will be implemented. In this case, the community or community is very necessary to obtain information on the candidate pairs who nominate themselves, and the campaign that can be used as a means of communicating politics and public education. The leaders, servants of the State, civil servants or the military, judges and so on, are essentially representations of the voices of the people they lead. The leaders are no more than public servants who must devote and dedicate their leadership to the benefit of the people. The leaders are only representatives of the fulfillment of the rights of the people, so that they are obliged to run the government properly.    Abstrak Menurut syariat islam, memegang suatu jabatan-jabatan umum bukanlah hak  bagi individu, melainkan kewajiban atasnya bagi Negara. Oleh sebab itu, pemerintah baik kepala daerah dan seluruh pejabatnya harus menyeleksi orang yang paling cocok dan paling layak bagi setiap pekerjaan pemerintahan.Tidak boleh beerbuat nepotisme dengan memandang kekerabatan, persahabatan, atau golongan dari manapun yang tidak ada hubunngannya dengan kelayakan seseorang untuk memegang suatu jabatan.Para penguasa yang telah ada hendaknya mengangkat para pejabat dari orang orang terbaik (al-ashlah), Nabi bersabda yang artinya“barang siapa memegang suatu urusan kaum muslimin (maksudnya menjadi penguasa) kemudian ia mengangkat seseorang menjadi pejabat padahal ia mengetahui ada orang yang lebih baik bagi (kemaslahatan) kaum muslimin, maka sungguh ia telah mengkhianati Allah dan Rasul-Nya” (Ibnu Taimiyah).Apabila kepala Negara atau para pejabat lainnya tidak menemukan orang yang tepat untuk suatu jabatan tertentu, dalam keadaan ini mereka harus memilih orang yang lebih representative. Representative disini memiliki arti yakni orang yang paling tepat dari yang ada untuk setiap jabatan pemerintahan. Dan juga dalam proses penyeleksian ini, kepala Negara dan pejabat lainnya harus mengetahui tentang standar kelayakan  al-quwwah (kekuatan) dan al-amanah (kepercayaan).Al-Quwwah ialah kemampuan dan kelayakan suatu tugas jabatan. Sedangkan amanah, merupakan perilaku yang dititik beratkan pada proses  pengelolaan perihal jabatan atau fungsi dari suatu jabatan yang sesuai dengan syariat islam dengan niat hanya bertaqwa kepada Allah dan bukan berdasar pada ketakutan kepada manusia dan mengharap pamrih dari mereka.Didalam pelaksanaan kampanye, pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri diharuskan untuk menyampaikan visi dan misi serta program kenegaraan yang akan dijalankan. Dalam hal ini, umat atau khalayak masyarakat sangat perlu untuk memperoleh informasi atas pasangan calon kandidat yang mencalonkan diri tersebut, dan kampanyelah yang dapat dijadikan sebagai sarana berkomunikasi politik dan pendidikan masyarakat. Para pemimpin, abdi Negara, pegawai sipil atau militer, hakim dan lain sebagainya, pada hakikatnya merupakan representasi suara rakyat yang mereka pimpin. Para pemimpin tidaklah lebih dari pelayan masyarakat yang harus mengabdikan dan mendedikasikan kepemimpinannya untuk kemaslahatan rakyat. Para pemimpin hanyalah wakil akan pemenuh hak hak umat, sehingga mereka wajib menjalankan roda pemerintahan dengan baik.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Vasilieva

Dueto the global nature of the COVID-19 pandemic, public authorities of different countries had to deal with similar tasks related to protecting of public interests and ensuring the right to health, inextricably linked to the right to life. Italy was the first Western democracy to experience the effects of the coronavirus. On January 31, 2020, a state of emergency was introduced in the country, which was supposed to be in effect until July 31, 2020. In March it was extended to the entire territory of the country, and severe restrictions on freedom of movement were introduced. The COVID-19 pandemic has demonstrated the ability of public authorities to withstand an emergency and at the same time exposed systemic problems in the relationships of public authorities, both at the horizontal and vertical levels. Introduction of the state of emergency resulted in the Government’s significant increase of power. The situation was managed either by delegated legislation, or by administrative regulations of the President of the Council of Ministers or individual Ministers. The decrees of the President of the Council of Ministers have taken a leading role in the emergency management. Within a month after the declaration of the state of emergency, the Italian Parliament did not show any activity and resumed its activities only due to necessity to approve decrees and laws. In fact, the constitutional control over the Government activity was weakened. The lack of due coordination between the State and regions in the normative sphere undermined trust between authorities and had a negative impact on adherence to the principle of loyal cooperation.


Author(s):  
Paul C. Light

The Government-Industrial Complex explores the recent history and impact of the federal government’s blended workforce of federal, contract, and grant employees. Drawing upon Dwight D. Eisenhower’s description of the military-industrial complex, government-reform expert Paul Light argues that the federal government now depends on seven-nine million full-time-equivalent government-industry employees. Light’s analysis examines changes in the size of the government-industrial complex, explains the federal government’s dependence on contract and grant employees, and explores potential reforms to protect the nation against what Eisenhower called the potential for the disastrous rise of misplaced power. Light chronicles the role of hiring caps, cuts, and freezes in promoting the use of contract and grant employees and shows the impact of war and peace on the changing size of government. Light offers short histories of the role that Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama played in the changing number and distribution of the federal government’s federal, contract, and grant employees. Light also discusses the Trump administration’s early strategies on downsizing and deconstructing government while describing the demographic, bureaucratic, and political problems that explain the federal government’s dependence on contract and grant employees. He then describes a sorting system for assuring that the right employees are in the right jobs to assure the greatest value and accountability, and he concludes with a description of the “next gen” public service needed to achieve the more perfect union and blessings of liberty promised in the Constitution’s preamble.


Author(s):  
Максим Анатольевич Насекин ◽  
Александр Викторович Буганов

Статья написана на материалах дневников жительниц Сталинграда Анны Арацких и Серафимы Ворониной, которые они вели в период знаменитой битвы 1942–1943 гг., под непрестанными бомбежками, когда Сталинград превратился из прифронтового города в фронтовой. Жители Сталинграда оказались заложниками воюющей местности. В архивных документах отражены военная повседневность, эмоциональное, нравственное состояние мирных жителей, тяжести их выживания на грани человеческих возможностей. Авторы описывают условия быта в руинах, сложности с обеспечением населения питанием. Продовольственные магазины и лавки были практически уничтожены, водопроводные коммуникации разрушены, регулярного подвоза воды не было. В таких условиях притуплялось чувство восприимчивости, человек привыкал ко всему: к голоду, холоду и даже смерти. На страницах дневников авторы не только рассказывали о событиях, в гуще которых они оказались, но и делились самым сокровенным, «изливали» душу, выражали свои заботы и переживания, помощь и поддержку другим. Сталинградская битва обернулась трагедией для мирного населения. Как и в бою, людям было необходимо находить правильные решения в критических ситуациях. Из-за постоянного перемещения линии фронта им также приходилось менять свое место жительства, обустраиваться на новом месте. Повседневная жизнь гражданского населения протекала буквально на передовой и определялась экстремальностью состояния общества, страны, народа в крупномасштабной войне. Речь шла не просто о проявлении патриотизма, но о коллективной жертвенности и героизме во имя общего дела. В дни обороны города это становилась нормой. В дневниках через личностное восприятие, типичное для тысяч и тысяч простых людей, проявлялся глубокий трагизм дней обороны Сталинграда. The article is based on the diaries of Anna Aratskikh and Serafima Voronina, residents of Stalingrad during the notorious battle of 1942–1943. The diaries were written under constant bombardment, when Stalingrad turned from a city near the front-line into a front-line city. The population of Stalingrad became hostage to the fighting city. The archival documents reflect the military everyday life, the emotional, moral state of the people, and survival on the verge of human capabilities. The authors describe the living conditions in the ruins, the difficulties in the food supply. Grocery stores and shops were devastated, water pipelines were destroyed, and there was no regular water supply. Human sensitivity was dropping away, one got used to everything: to hunger, cold and even death. On the pages of the diaries, the authors not only described the events they witnessed, but also shared the most intimate feelings, expressed their concerns and experiences, support to others. The battle of Stalingrad turned into a tragedy for the civilian population of the city. As in combat, they needed to look for the right solutions in critical situations. Due to the constant movement of the front line, residents also had to move and settle down in new places. The daily life of the civilian population took place literally in the trenches and was determined by the extreme situation of the large-scale war, which affected the society, the country, the people. It was not just patriotism, but a collective sacrifice and heroism in the name of a common cause. In the days of the city’s defense, this became the new norm. The diaries describe the deep tragedy of the days of the defense of Stalingrad through the personal perception of thousands and thousands of ordinary people.


Author(s):  
Tatjana Nazarova ◽  
Olga Redkinа

Introduction. The article considers the processes of resettlement of the Mennonites in the Black Sea region in the 19th century and solving the land issue which is closely connected with it. Methods and materials. The archival documents of funds of the State archive of the Republic of Crimea and published materials from collections, first of all the acts devoted to the issue of foreign colonization in the Russian Empire formed the source base of the research. The general historical principles of historicism and objectivity and also specific methods are the methodological basis of the research: historical and comparative, historical and genetic, historical and system methods. Analysis. The analysis of the colonization legislation concerning foreign immigrants shows high interest of the government in involving the Mennonites to settling of Novorossiysk region. The land issue was resolved differently: till the 1840s all lands were given to the Mennonites to “eternal” possession of the whole colony, without the right of alienation to third parties; also because of the shortage of free state lands the colonists were granted the permission to buy lands; the government also bought comfortable lands to treasury for its distribution among the Mennonites. Results. The authors underline the following features of land management in Mennonite settlements: land plots were distributed by household and family, without splitting (sixty five tithes per family); there was a minority right, which led to an increase in the number of landless. In the second half of the 19th century resettlement of the Mennonites went due to the land purchase or long-term rent with the subsequent repayment, land plots began to be split.


1962 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 660-661 ◽  

The Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO) Council of Ministers held its seventh annual meeting on March 27–29, 1961, in Bangkok, Thailand. The ministers exchanged information on matters affecting the treaty area and studied the report of the military advisers, who had met the preceding week. In an official statement issued at the conclusion of the meeting, the Council announced that if the current efforts to end hostilities in Laos failed, and active military attempts to obtain control of the country continued, the members of SEATO were prepared, within the terms of its treaty, to take whatever action might be appropriate in the circumstances. The Council noted with concern the continued offensive by rebel elements in Laos, who were continuing to be supplied and assisted by communist powers in flagrant disregard of the Geneva Accords, and emphasized that SEATO had no aggressive intentions. The Council desired a united, independent, and sovereign Laos, not subordinate to any nation or group of nations. The statement also expressed concern at the efforts of an armed minority, supported from the outside, to destroy the government of Vietnam and declared SEATO's firm resolve not to acquiesce in any such takeover of that country. Finally, the Council recorded its view that the organization should continue to keep developments in Laos and Vietnam under urgent and constant review. On other aspects of the situation in the treaty area, the Council firmly reiterated the need for collective defense, and for economic and social development. The Council stressed the importance of continuing to develop good relations and of increasing the sense of community among free countries in the area. The Council noted that further progress had been made during the year in jointly studying techniques of subversion and insurgency and in exchanging information on means of countering such activities. It noted with satisfaction the planning work of the military advisers, the reorganization of the military planning office, and the effective coordination achieved by the forces of member countries in the several military exercises conducted during the past year.


Res Publica ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-43
Author(s):  
Willy Claes

The function of Deputy Prime Minister is not specified in the Belgian Constitution, nevertheless it is imposed by force ofcustom. Since 1961, there have been in each government one or more Deputy Prime Ministers whether or not carrying the formal title. The Deputy Prime Minister was originally the number two in the government, behind the Prime Minister. Usually, he belongs to another party. Thanks to the competences attributed to him in the government, his position in his party and his natural authority and leadership, he tries, together with the prime minister, to manage the government in the right direction and to maintain the cohesion in the coalition. The Deputy Prime Minister is at the same time also in charge of a given ministry. The function of Deputy Prime Minister has become more important due to the increased influence of political parties within and upon the government. The Deputy Prime Minister acts now explicitly as spokesperson of his party within the government and defends the decisions of the government within his party. After the split of the national parties in a Flemish and a Walloon party and as consequence, the increase of parties in government, the number of Deputy Prime Ministers also increased. It became usual that each party in government had his own Deputy Prime Minister, even the party of the Prime Minister since the latter is considered to be politically neutral. Under the name of 'Cabinet for general affairs ', the 'kernkabinet' raised in1961 to handle all major problems and initiatives of the government. The 'kernkabinet' interpreted this rather vague description of its competences in a broad way. lts members were the Prime Minister, the Deputy Prime Minister and some other senior ministers. Usually, an equilibrium on the basis of party- and language-affiliations was installed. In the second half of the 1970s, the role and the impact of the 'kernkabinet' increased gradually. The 'kernkabinet' had become a real decision-making institution, gathering several times a week. As a consequence, the role of the Council of Ministers on certain issues was degraded to merely ratify decisions taken by the 'kernkabinet'. Much critique was voiced on this evolution, especially upon the lack of transparency and efficiency.Although heavily criticized, the 'kernkabinet' has proved to be a very helpful instrument to take decisions on complex and delicate problems. In 1981, the 'kernkabinet' was formally abolished and in 1992, the Dehaene-government abolished all ministerial committees. Despite these abolitions, there was and still is nowadays the tendency to gather with the senior ministers to solve complex problems. De facto the kernkabinet holds strong.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 178
Author(s):  
Tea Kasradze ◽  
Nino Zarnadze

The Georgian economy has been undergoing serious transformations over the years. The reforms carried out by the government affected all spheres of the economy - health care, education, industry, the military-technical complex, etc. The annual growth of the economy is approximately 4.8%. The EU, partner developed countries and donor international organizations allocate huge financial resources for the implementation of the changes planned by the government. Despite this, the economy of Georgia is in a difficult situation. The reason of economic stagnation in which the country has been for years is an extensive vector of development of the national economy. Investment projects carried out in the country in recent years are extensive in most cases. These projects are aimed at increasing current profits. They mostly are not oriented to long-term perspective. Intensification projects based on scientific and technical progress that are capable to change the level of production qualitatively are few. Despite the lack of an innovative scientific and technical background the economic indicators are increasing. However, the analysis of the indicators’ growth factors shows the lack of development of the national economic system. The data does not reflect the real economic statement and point to an extensive (so-called bad growth) growth of the national economy and will lead to economic and political crisis. The intensive and extensive factors of economic growth is discussed and analyzed in the paper. The recommendations and measures are developed by the authors for improving the economy through the intensification of production processes.


SAGE Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 215824402094069
Author(s):  
Ulf Thoene ◽  
Roberto García Alonso ◽  
Camila Andrea Blanco Bernal

The Colombian government signed a revised version of the Havana Peace Deal with the country’s main guerrilla group, Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in November 2016, giving rise to a set of new opportunities and challenges for the South American nation. Societies that make the transition from conflict to peace need to seek truth, justice, and reparation concerning massive and systematic violations. Thus truth, history, and historical memory (HM) are central to reconciliation and play a key role in fulfilling the national and international obligations of the state. HM in Colombia has emerged mainly from the voices of victims, generating a narrative of events in which the discourses of members of the Armed Forces has, by and large, tended either to be out of place, or is regarded as the perpetrators’ account. Military personnel have usually been perceived to be offenders or perpetrators; finding the “truth” based on narratives of traumatic events is complex. This research contributes to the debate on HM in Colombia and the right to truth, exploring the narratives and emotions of traumatized soldiers who suffered permanent physical injuries, and presenting the results of an interdisciplinary project conducted via a series of in-depth interviews. It brought to light important accounts and deeply negative feelings toward the perpetrators of violence and the government, but also mixed feelings about the institution of the military that soldier victims continue to harbor.


Author(s):  
Tatiana Shulgina ◽  
Gopal Sagaran

The aim of this study is to explore the extent of English language teaching in Higher Institutions of Malaysia and investigate the current changes, trends and challenges in this niche. A sample of 100 English learners from public and private institutions participated in this study. Analysis of the responses indicated that English language is remaining to be difficult to master, due to speaking environment, proficiency of the teachers and other factors. However, the Government is on the right direction to improve this situation by following Common European Framework of Reference of Languages. As any other system, it takes time to put into realization and start up the mechanism. This observation carries a pedagogical perspective and includes the overview of the general picture based on Private, Public and Stand Alone English educational institutions. This study has highlighted the practical importance of British Framework of English learning and suggests to focus on emphasis of the learning process instead of a result.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document