Organization of Central American States

1952 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 151-152

The Foreign Ministers of the Central American States of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua, meeting in San Salvador October 8–14, 1951, to discuss measures for promoting the unity of Central America, drafted the “Charter of Salvador” to “promote by group action the strengthening of the bonds of fraternity among the five Central American states and to serve as an instrument for the study and solution of their common problems.”

1966 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 863-866

At a meeting of foreign ministers of five Central American countries—Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua—held on November 15–17, 1962, and attended also by an observer from Panama, it was provisionally agreed to set up a new Organization of Central American States (ODECA) to supersede the organization of the same name set up in October 1951. The Charter of the new organization, known as the San Salvador Charter, was formally signed at a further meeting of foreign ministers held in Panama City from December 12 to 14, 1962. Panama did not sign the Charter, but provision was made for that state to become a member if it wished to join at a future date. The new Charter was to come into effect when ratified by the five states which had signed it. Following ratification by Costa Rica on March 30, 1965, the Charter entered into force.


ZooKeys ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 1024 ◽  
pp. 157-196
Author(s):  
Jorge Ismael Nestor-Arriola ◽  
Víctor Hugo Toledo-Hernández ◽  
Ángel Solís ◽  
Guillermo González ◽  
Jaroslav Větrovec

A revision of the Central American species of the genus Brachiacantha was undertaken to update the knowledge of the Central American species of the genus. Material of several collections was reviewed, using original descriptions and keys, and comparing with the type material. Twenty-five species of the genus Brachiacantha were found in Central American material, including nine new species: B. nubes Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. dentata Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. isthmena Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. aurantiapleura Nestor-Arriola, Solís and Toledo-Hernández, sp. nov., B. invertita Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. papiliona Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. tica Nestor-Arriola, Toledo-Hernández and Solís, sp. nov., B. hexaspina González, Větrovec and Nestor-Arriola, sp. nov., and B. mimica Nestor-Arriola and Toledo-Hernández, sp. nov. Nomenclatural changes include Brachiacantha gorhami (Weise), comb. nov., B. guatemalensis (Gorham), comb. nov., and Brachiacantha duodecimguttata Leng, syn. nov. for B. lepida Mulsant. The male genitalia of the species B. fenestrata Gorhan, B. octostigma Mulsant, B. aperta Weise, and B. cachensis Gorhan are described and illustrated for the first time. New records include B. indubitabilis Crotch and B. bipartita Mulsant (Costa Rica and Guatemala), B. gorhami (Weise) (El Salvador), and B. cachensis Gorham (Panamá). A key to the species is included.


2001 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES MAHONEY

During the twentieth century, the countries of Central America were characterised by remarkably different political regimes: military-authoritarianism in Guatemala and El Salvador, progressive democracy in Costa Rica and traditional-authoritarianism in Honduras and Nicaragua. This article explains these contrasting regime outcomes by exploring the agrarian and state-building reforms pursued by political leaders during the nineteenth- and early twentieth-century liberal reform period. Based on differences in the transformation of state and class structures, three types of liberalism are identified: radical liberalism in Guatemala and El Salvador, reformist liberalism in Costa Rica and aborted liberalism in Honduras and Nicaragua. It is argued that these types of liberalism set the Central American countries on contrasting paths of political development, culminating in diverse regime outcomes.


1955 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 590-590

On August 13, 1955, delegates from the five members of the Organization of Central American States (OCAS)—Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica—convened at Antigua, Guatemala, for the first formal meeting of the organization, which had been “founded in 1951. According to the press, the first formal meeting had been postponed a number of times: until 1954, because Guatemala had withdrawn in protest against the anticommunist point of view of the other members, and after Guatemala had rejoined in 1954, because of tension between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. The most important and controversial item on the agenda of the conference, according to reports, was the election of a Secretary General; on August 24, after lengthy debate, the foreign ministers of the five member states chose by acclamation Jose Guillermo Trabanino, Foreign Minister for Ell Salvador. His election was reported to have been a diplomatic victory for Nicaragua against Costa Rica, since before the conference it had been generally supposed that, under the terms of an unofficial agreement reached by the five foreign ministers in April 1955, the post would go to a Costa Rican. The El Salvadorian nomineehad been approved to break the deadlock which developed as it became apparent in the course of the conference that Nicaragua would vote against any candidate proposed by Costa Rica. Other action taken by the conference included the following: 1) it requested the Secretary General to initiate conversations with the Superior Central American University Council, to coordinate activities in the field of higher education in the region; 2) it authorized the creation of a council of culture and education as a specialized agency widiin the organization;) it authorized its central office to study and formulate a project to be presented at the next ordinary conference, toward a Central American customs union; and 4) it created a commission of jurists to study the codification of Central American legislation, initiate studies on the possibility of unifying juridic principles and establishing cooperation with the corresponding organs of the United Nations and the Organization of American States.


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Michael Bagley

By Mid-1986, The Contadora Group's search for a negotiated peace in Central America had reached a seemingly insurmountable impasse. Negotiations were deadlocked over the issues of arms limitations, democratization, and US support for the Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries (contrarevolucionarios or contras). The United States and its closest Central American allies - Costa Rica, Honduras and El Salvador - demanded that Nicaragua reduce the size of its armed forces and install a democratic political system before they would end support for the contras Nicaragua's Sandinistas, in turn, refused to disarm until the United States and its Central American neighbors halted their support for the contras, they also rejected all proposals for direct negotiations with the contras.


Author(s):  
Juan Muñoz-Portillo ◽  
Ilka Treminio

This chapter studies presidential term limits—understood as limits on presidential re-elections and term lengths—in four Central American electoral democracies: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Its contribution is threefold. First, it explains the evolution of these institutions as part of the political development process of these polities after independence from Spain. Second, the chapter conducts two emblematic case studies of the politics of recent term limits reforms in Latin America via constitutional reviews: Costa Rica (1999–2003) and Honduras (2009 and 2015). Finally, it examines the consequences of term limits for democracy and policymaking. In this regard, it argues that term lengths affect policymaking in Costa Rica and Honduras, and that the political institutions in these countries combined with the popularity of ex-presidents make presidential re-elections possible. In contrast, in El Salvador and Guatemala the influence of term limits is offset by formal and informal constraints.


Author(s):  
David Díaz Arias

Central America experienced the construction of multiple forms of new identities from independence in 1821 to the present. Between 1825 and 1840, Central American politicians formed a Federal Republic to keep the region integrated as a single country but failed by getting involved in civil wars. Only Costa Rica remained relatively peaceful during the first decades after independence. During much of the nineteenth century, the other four countries confronted the problem of how to achieve political centralization. But local caudillos, the confrontations between elites, internal civil wars, economic weakness, and imperial interventions limited their plans. After 1870, the Central American nation-states started developing three patterns of racial identities: first, a liberal state in Costa Rica which was able to secure the image of a homogenous, white society with juridical institutions and electoral democracy; second, mestizo nations with limited citizenship in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras where politicians and intellectuals managed to rule with the military; and third, a nation-state in Guatemala where indigenous people remained outside the national identity during most of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. After 1954, social exclusion promoted revolutions commanded by guerrilla groups with the support of indigenous communities. During the 1980s, most of Central America was in civil war as a consequence of illegitimate states, a weak popular identification with national identities, and the legacy of decades of social exclusion, state violence, and inequality. By the end of the 1980s and early 1990s, local elites, political authorities, and guerrilla warriors in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Nicaragua negotiated peace. During the 1990s, access to power was decided through elections throughout Central America, and state institutions, such as supreme courts, legislative assemblies, ministers, and press, had the opportunity to bloom. Yet, democracy is still weak in this region.


Nematology ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adan Hernandez ◽  
Mireille Fargette ◽  
And Jean-Louis Sarah

Abstract Isozymes (Esterases, MDH, SOD, GOT) and perineal patterns were studied in 29 isolates of Meloidogyne spp. collected on coffee (Coffea arabica) plantations in four Central American countries and on one isolate collected in Brazil. Five species were clearly diagnosed and six new multi-enzyme phenotypes were also revealed corresponding to within-species diversity or possible new species. Meloidogyne exigua was found in Costa Rica, Nicaragua and Honduras, M. arenaria in El Salvador and M. incognita ('M1a' esterase phenotype) in Brazil. Meloidogyne arabicida was found in Costa Rica and has a new esterase phenotype, 'M1F1b'. Nematodes with the 'F1' esterase phenotype were found in Guatemala and their specific status is discussed. Two isolates from El Salvador displayed unknown esterase phenotypes ('M1F1a' and 'Sa4'). One isolate from northern Guatemala was clearly identified as Meloidogyne hapla and another from the same area was related to M. enterolobii or M. mayaguensis. Neither of these latter isolates was able to develop in coffee roots under our growing conditions. The diversity of root-knot nematodes parasitising coffee roots in this region is discussed.


1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.


1998 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 885-887
Author(s):  
M. C. Pineda De Carias

Recently, important efforts have been made to organize and consolidate the Assembly of Central American Astronomers (AAAC), an organization created to contribute to the development of astronomy and astrophysics in Central America, with the help of international cooperation; the Central American Courses in Astronomy and Astrophysics, have been hosted each year by a different national university in Central America (1995: Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Honduras, 1996: Universidad de El Salvador, 1997: Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala, and 1998: Universidad de Panama). These courses aimed to provide an exchange of knowledge and experience among university staff and students interested in continuing studies in Astronomy and Astrophysics. Regional Observational Campaigns have been organized to train young astronomers in the use of astronomical equipment and observational techniques. It seems that the broad development of astronomy and astrophysics in Central American as a whole, will be possible only when nuclei of astronomers in each of the countries concerned begin to develop many more activities, countries As part of the III Central American Course on Astronomy and Astrophysics (III-CURCAA, April 1997, Guatemala), in a forum about Education and Research in Astronomy in Central America, several important conclusions were stated. In this paper we present the six most relevant conclusions discussed there.


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