Liberalism in north Antrim, 1900–14

1982 ◽  
Vol 23 (89) ◽  
pp. 17-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.R.B. McMinn
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
General Election ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
Town Hall ◽  
The North ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
County Antrim ◽  
Orange Order

In the general election of January 1906, R. G. Glendinning, a taciturn baptist linen manufacturer of Belfast, won the North Antrim parliamentary seat. The significance of this event was his success in an overwhelmingly protestant constituency at the expense of the highly articulate and intelligent unionist sitting member, William Moore, the principal architect of the Ulster Unionist Council and the leader of the unionist campaign to expose the devolutionary dangers of ‘Macdonnellism’. Furthermore Glendinning had campaigned as a ‘liberal unionist’, but had been condemned as a home ruler by his opponent and indeed upon arrival in the house of commons took his seat on the liberal government benches. Some years later, in 1913, despite the heightened political temperature, it was still possible for a meeting on 24 October in Ballymoney town hall attended by some four or five hundred protestants to denounce ‘the lawless policy of Carsonism’, and for this same meeting to be addressed by such noted nationalists as Captain Jack White, Sir Roger Casement and Mrs Alice Stopford Green. Their audience was invited to sign an anti-covenant devised by White and closely modelled on, though directly opposed to, the Ulster Solemn League and Covenant. As late as 1925 an independent protestant candidate, George Henderson, representing the Unbought Tenants Association, secured one of the seven County Antrim seats in the Northern Ireland parliament, thus preventing the election of an official unionist, R. D. Megaw. Then there is the interesting phenomenon of the Independent Orange Order which in the years before 1914 had established itself more firmly in north Antrim than anywhere else. The area also threw up in this period a number of prominent individuals who became active in non-unionist politics, of whom the Reverend J. B. Armour, the Reverend D. D. Boyle, John Pinkerton and Samuel Craig McElroy are perhaps the best known. Finally Bally money and the Route was the epicentre of the Ulster tenant-right movement in the last three decades of the nineteenth century.

British By-elections, 1950

1951 ◽  
Vol 45 (2) ◽  
pp. 474-478 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M. Scammon
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Urban Areas ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
To Come

Since the hard-fought general election of February 23, 1950, the narrow margin of Labor's control of the British House of Commons has been tested at the polls on ten occasions. This number of by-elections to fill vacancies in the membership of the House is a normal post-World War II figure (the previous House saw fifty-two replacements in its four and one-half years of life), although it is somewhat under that of prewar averages. In terms of locale, however, these ten by-elections were atypical. Though the overall distribution within the various parts of the United Kingdom was not unrepresentative (six in England, one in Wales, actually Monmouthshire, two in Scotland, and one in Northern Ireland), all vacancies chanced to come in urban areas. Eight of the contests involved borough seats and the other two (West Dunbartonshire and Abertillery, Monmouthshire) were primarily urban in character.

William McIlwaine and the 1859 Revival in Ulster: A Study of Anglican and Evangelical Identities

2014 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-826 ◽  
Author(s):  
DANIEL RITCHIE
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Religious History ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
Uncritical Acceptance ◽  
High Church

The Evangelical awakening which took place in the province of Ulster during 1859 was one of the most important events in the religious history of the north of Ireland. Although it has received virtually uncritical acceptance by modern Evangelicals in Northern Ireland, few are aware that there was a significant minority of Evangelicals who dissented from offering the movement their wholehearted support. This article examines why one of nineteenth-century Belfast's most controversial Anglican clerics, the Revd William McIlwaine, was very critical of the movement. Not all critics were outright opponents of the revival, however. McIlwaine was one of the revival's moderate critics, who believed that it was partially good. Nevertheless, the awakening's physical manifestations and its impact on theology and church order deeply disturbed him. The article also explains why 1859 was a turning point in McIlwaine's ecclesiastical career, which saw him move from Evangelicalism to a moderate High Church position.

scholarly journals Religious, Political, and Geographical Determinants of Attitudes to Protestant Parades in Northern Ireland

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (04) ◽  
pp. 786-811
Author(s):  
Jocelyn Evans ◽  
Jonathan Tonge
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Research Council ◽  
Social Research ◽  
General Election ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Orange Order ◽  
Levels Of Support

Abstract Although violence over Northern Ireland's constitutional position has largely subsided, the problem of sectarian animosity between sections of the Protestant Unionist British and Catholic Irish Nationalist population remains. One such area of communal contestation is attitudes to Protestant parades, organized mainly by the Orange Order. For many Protestants, Orange Order marches are legitimate cultural, religious, and political expressions of Protestant culture, loyalty to the British Crown and a pro-United Kingdom position. For many Catholics, the Orange Order is seen as a sectarian and anti-Catholic organization, which prohibits its members marrying Catholics or attending Catholic Church services. The Parades Commission was established two decades ago to adjudicate on Orange Order parading routes. Its decisions have sometimes involved re-routing marches away from Catholic areas and the inability to satisfy both sides has been followed by riots on several occasions at the annual height of the Protestant “marching season.” This article examines levels of support or antipathy toward Orange Order marching rights among Protestants and Catholics. Drawing upon evidence from the most extensive recent study of public opinion in Northern Ireland, the 2015 Economic and Social Research Council general election study, the piece tests the importance of demographic, religious, political, and geographical variables in conditioning attitudes towards Orange parades.

Memorializing its Hero: Liberal Manchesters Statue of Oliver Cromwell

2012 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Cunniffe ◽  
Terry Wyke
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Thomas Carlyle ◽  
Town Hall ◽  
New Town ◽  
The North ◽  
Modern Britain ◽  
The Gift ◽  
Oliver Cromwell ◽  
History Of ◽  
Significant Change

Oliver Cromwells historical reputation underwent significant change during the nineteenth century. Writers such as Thomas Carlyle were prominent in this reassessment, creating a Cromwell that found particular support among Nonconformists in the north of England. Projects to memorialize Cromwell included the raising of public statues. This article traces the history of the Manchester statue, the first major outdoor statue of Cromwell to be unveiled in the country. The project originated among Manchester radical Liberal Nonconformists in the early 1860s but was not realized until 1875. It was the gift of Elizabeth Heywood; the sculptor was Matthew Noble. The project, including its intended site in Manchesters new Town Hall, was contentious, exposing political and religious divisions within the community, reinforcing the view that the reassessment of Cromwells place in the making of modern Britain was far from settled.

scholarly journals Intrusion history of the Portrush Sill, County Antrim, Northern Ireland: evidence for rapid emplacement and high-temperature contact metamorphism

2011 ◽  
Vol 149 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
MORGANE LEDEVIN ◽  
NICHOLAS ARNDT ◽  
MARK R. COOPER ◽  
GARTH EARLS ◽  
PAUL LYLE ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Sedimentary Rocks ◽  
Lower Jurassic ◽  
Contact Metamorphism ◽  
Geochemical Data ◽  
Contact Aureole ◽  
The North ◽  
Geochemical Analyses ◽  
Element Enrichment ◽  
County Antrim

AbstractThe gabbroic Portrush Sill in Northern Ireland, part of the North Atlantic Igneous Province, intruded Lower Jurassic mudstones and siltstones about 55 Ma ago. We used petrologic observations and geochemical analyses to study how the sill interacted with the sedimentary rocks. Field relationships show that an Upper Sill and numerous associated Minor Intrusions were emplaced in the sedimentary host rocks before intrusion of the Main Sill, some 10 m above its upper contact. Geochemical analyses reveal two magma contamination processes: Nb and Ta anomalies, coupled with incompatible element enrichment, record contamination by deep crustal rocks, whereas Li, Pb and Ba anomalies reveal a superficial contamination through fluid circulation at the contact between magmatic and sedimentary rocks. Analysis of mineral assemblages and geochemical data from the contact aureole demonstrate uniform metamorphic conditions between the two main intrusions and an absence of a thermal gradient. The identification of pyrrhotite by magnetization analyses and of orthopyroxene by microprobe analyses indicates very high temperatures, up to 660°C. Thermal modelling explains these temperatures as the coupled effects of the Main Sill and the earlier intruded Upper Sill and Minor Intrusions. Even though the chemical composition of the Main Sill suggests another type of parental liquid, all three units were emplaced in a very short time, certainly less than five years.

Union Movement

2019 ◽  
pp. 143-188
Author(s):  
James Loughlin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
General Election ◽  
European Project ◽  
The North ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
Political Project ◽  
Post War ◽  
Political Failure

This chapter focuses on the place of the partition question in the politics of the Union Movement, Mosley’s new organisation intended to deliver on his political ambitions in the post-war era. Learning from the failure of the Ulster fascists in the 1930s, no attempt was made to organise in Northern Ireland. Instead, on Ireland the UM focused its attention on the immigrant Irish community in Britain and in terms of Mosley’s new political project, Europe-A-Nation. In this neo-fascist scenario Irish unity was envisioned as taking place when Ireland as a whole joined the new European project. At one level advanced in its conception of European union, its prospects for realisation were remote given Mosley’s now pariah status in Britain, its departure from traditional nationalist conceptions of Irish unity and the failure of his movement to attract significant immigrant Irish support, graphically demonstrated at the North Kensington contest during the 1959 general election, when Mosley failed to even secure his deposit. Political failure, however, would lead to more realist assessments of the nature of the Northern Ireland problem in the later 1960s.

Redistributing the Population: GIS Adds Value to Historical Demography

1996 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 90-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Janette Lee
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Settlement Pattern ◽  
Historical Demography ◽  
Water Bodies ◽  
Choropleth Mapping ◽  
County Antrim ◽  
Gis Software

A model for more accurately representing the distribution of population is currently under development using some of the functionality of the Arc/Info GIS software. Included are factors for settlement pattern, topography and the presence of water bodies. The model is tested on County Antrim in Northern Ireland and the value of traditional choropleth mapping assessed in comparison with the output from the model.

Kampungs and Conflict in Colonial Semarang

1988 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Cobban
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
The United States ◽  
City Council ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
North Coast ◽  
The North ◽  
Central Java ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

By the beginning of the twentieth century, Semarang was a major port city and administrative centre on Java. Attainment of this position was due partly to the expansion of its hinterland during the nineteenth century. This expansion was closely related to developments in the means of transportation and the consequent ability of plantation owners to bring the products of their plantations to the port for shipment to foreign markets. By the end of the century virtually the whole economic life of central Java focused upon Semarang. The city also exercised administrative functions in the Dutch colonial administration and generally had been responsible for Dutch interests in the middle and eastern parts of the island. The importance of Semarang as an administrative centre increased after 1906. In that year the government incorporated the city as an urban municipality (stadsgemeente). In 1914 it had consular representation from the United States, Belgium, Denmark, France, Great Britain, Italy, Norway, Germany, and Thailand. Subsequently, in 1926 it became the capital of the Province of Central Java under the terms of an administrative reform fostered by the colonial government at Batavia. Status as an urban municipality meant that local officials sitting on a city council would govern the domestic affairs of the city. The members of the city council at first were appointed from Batavia, subsequently some of them were elected by residents of the city. By the beginning of the twentieth century Semarang had enhanced its position as a major port on the north coast of the island of Java. It was one of the foremost cities of the Dutch East Indies, along with Batavia and Surabaya, a leading port and a centre of administration and trade. This article outlines the growth of the port of Semarang during the nineteenth century and discusses some of the conflict related to this growth over living conditions in parts of the city during the twentieth century, a conflict which smouldered for several decades among the government, members of the city council, and the non-European residents of the city, one which remained unresolved at the end of the colonial era.

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