The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy

When the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was elected with its strong majority mandate in October 1993, there were few prospects of any substantial change in the long established liberal-internationalist foundations of Canadian foreign policy. As the government moves into the second half of its mandate, however, it is clear that important change has taken place. Both Pearsonian internationalism and Trudeauvian nationalism have been swept away as the central elements in Canadian foreign policy, in favour of an assertive globalism. Although many of these changes were introduced by the Mulroney government and flourished in its later years, under Chrétien the transformation has acquired new strength and speed. Yet because it is largely a reactive rather than strategic process, devoid of the vision which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau brought into office, there mil continue to be periodic]'allures, difficult adjustments and opportunities missed.

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E-Government in the UK

Encyclopedia of Digital Government ◽

10.4018/978-1-59140-789-8.ch084 ◽

2011 ◽

pp. 548-553 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

J. Hudson

Keyword(s):

Information Society ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Policy Implications ◽

Green Paper ◽

Minor Role ◽

The European Union ◽

Parliamentary Committee ◽

The Government ◽

The Uk ◽

A Minor

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).

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SKYHAWK, SKYSHIELD, AND THE SOVIETS: REVISITING CANADA'S COLD WAR

The Historical Journal ◽

10.1017/s0018246x17000292 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 61 (2) ◽

pp. 453-475

Author(s):

ASA MCKERCHER ◽

TIMOTHY ANDREWS SAYLE

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

Cold War ◽

International Relations ◽

The United States ◽

Full Account ◽

The Past ◽

Canadian Foreign Policy ◽

The Cold War

AbstractFor the past two decades, Canadian international historians have largely missed the Cold War, or at least a significant portion of it. Certainly, there has been no shortage of studies of Canadian foreign policy featuring the bipolar struggle, and yet historians have largely confined their attention to Canada's admittedly crucial relationship with the United States, while Canadian–Soviet relations have been ignored. Indeed, in the historiography of Canada's Cold War international relations, the communist powers are largely missing. Hoping to challenge this limited focus, we frame our article around two Canada–US air defence exercises held in 1959 and 1960. While historians have viewed these exercises within the context of Canada's relationship with the United States, we highlight the wider Cold War framework in which Canadian policy was formed. After all, these exercises occurred during the mini-détente of the late 1950s and the collapse of the Paris summit in May 1960. As we demonstrate, the failure to take full account of the Cold War is a shortcoming of much of the writing on Canadian international relations, and so we offer an example of the need to take seriously Canada's foreign policy toward the communist bloc.

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E-Government in the UK

Electronic Government ◽

10.4018/978-1-59904-947-2.ch015 ◽

2011 ◽

pp. 172-178

Author(s):

John Hudson

Keyword(s):

Information Society ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Policy Implications ◽

Green Paper ◽

Minor Role ◽

The European Union ◽

Parliamentary Committee ◽

The Government ◽

The Uk ◽

A Minor

Like many of its western counterparts, the United Kingdom (UK) government has a long history of using IT in the administration and delivery of public services. Indeed, as early as 1959 mainframe computers were introduced in order to automate some routine aspects of public administration (Margetts & Willcocks, 1992, p. 329). However, it was not until the late 1970s and early 1980s—as the UK rose to the forefront of the emerging microcomputer industry—that IT featured in policy discourse in anything other than an extremely minor fashion. Even then—despite the appointment of Kenneth Baker as the government’s first Information Technology Minister in 1981—the issue did not feature prominently and there was nothing approaching the equivalence of the neighbouring French government’s review of the long-term social and economic policy implications of L’Informatisation d’Societe commissioned in 1976 by President Valéry Giscard d’Estaing (Nora & Minc, 1980). In fact, one former government minister claimed in his diaries that Baker’s appointment to the government had more to do with finding a minor role for a politician piqued at his omission from the Cabinet than with Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher’s belief in the importance of IT related issues (Lawson, 1992). However, the agenda began to gather some pace following Thatcher’s departure in 1990. Under the helm of Prime Minister John Major, the Conservatives introduced a number of important policies—including a series of industrially focused information society initiatives aimed at boosting the use of ICTs by business. In addition, prompted perhaps by the popular emergence of the Internet, other branches of government began to show a greatly increased interest in the issue. For instance, a Parliamentary committee—the House of Lords Science and Technology Committee (1996)—produced a major report on the implications of the information society for government. In addition, the publication of a major study on the same issue by the European Union (1994) added weight to the emerging agenda. Shortly before losing power in 1997, the Major government produced what was arguably the UK government’s first systematic consideration of the implications of ICTs for government when it published an exploratory Green Paper titled Government.Direct (CITU, 1996). Though it came too late in the life of the government to advance its ideas any further than the discussion stage, it at least served to heighten the prominence of the agenda (Hudson, 2002).

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The “National Interest” and Contemporary World Politics

The Review of Politics ◽

10.1017/s0034670500026450 ◽

1978 ◽

Vol 40 (1) ◽

pp. 77-96 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

J. Martin Rochester

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

National Interest ◽

World Politics ◽

National Interests ◽

Contemporary World ◽

The Past ◽

Precise Analysis ◽

The Government

The “national interest” has proven to be a highly resilient concept, not only in terms of its malleability in the hands of foreign policymakers and various publics but also in terms of its ability to retain currency among several generations of international relations scholars despite repeated efforts to discredit it. There have been several attempts recently to rehabilitate the concept, including one by the Commission on the Organization of the Government for the Conduct of Foreign Policy which recognized that repudiation of the term by academics did not absolve practitioners from their continuing responsibility to define it. However, the problem with recent attempts on the part of scholars as well as practitioners to reformulate the “national interest” is that they fail to take into account adequately the new realities of world politics which have tended to upset the normal calculus. If the identification of “national interests” has defied precise analysis in the past, it is an even more difficult task today.

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Sun Protection and Sunburn in Children Aged 1–10 Years in Germany: Prevalence and Determinants

Children ◽

10.3390/children8080668 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 8 (8) ◽

pp. 668

Author(s):

Tatiana Görig ◽

Corinna Södel ◽

Annette B. Pfahlberg ◽

Olaf Gefeller ◽

Eckhard W. Breitbart ◽

...

Keyword(s):

Role Models ◽

Skin Color ◽

Role Model ◽

Sun Protection ◽

Minor Role ◽

Positive Role ◽

Protection Measures ◽

Telephone Interviews ◽

The Past ◽

A Minor

Seeking shade, the use of textile sun protection and sunscreen, and protecting one’s eyes by wearing sunglasses are recommended sun protection measures in children. We aimed to quantify the use of these measures as well as the prevalence of sunburn in children aged 1 to 10 years in Germany and to identify their determinants. Data collected via telephone interviews in a nationwide sample of 554 parents or caregivers in family were analyzed. Use of sunscreen was the most common measure applied (77.8%), while sunglasses were least frequently used (12.5%). The prevalence of sunburn during the past year was 21.8%, and it was positively associated with children’s age. The use of sun protection measures was significantly associated with the age and skin color of the child, while characteristics and tanning behaviors of the caregivers only played a minor role. The use of sun protection measures was higher when caregivers perceived themselves as a role model (Odds Ratio (OR) = 4.33, p < 0.001). Our nationwide data show that there remains a need for the improved use of sun protection measures, especially in children aged 7 to 10 years. In educational material, parents should be encouraged to become positive role models for their children regarding sun protection.

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India and the World

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.013.1 ◽

2010 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

David M. Malone ◽

C. Raja Mohan ◽

Srinath Raghavan

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

Asian Country ◽

Extensive Survey ◽

The Past ◽

External Relations ◽

The World ◽

Global Affairs ◽

Indian Foreign Policy ◽

Over Time

India has emerged as a leading voice in global affairs in the past two decades. Its fast-growing domestic market largely explains the ardour with which Delhi is courted by powers great and small. India is also becoming increasingly important to global geostrategic calculations, being the only Asian country with the heft to counterbalance China over time. Nevertheless, India’s foreign policy has been relatively neglected in the existing literature. ThisHandbook, edited by three widely recognized students of the topic, provides an extensive survey of India’s external relations. The authors include leading Indian scholars and commentators of the field and several outstanding foreign scholars and practitioners. They address factors in Indian foreign policy flowing from both history and geography and also discuss key relationships, issues, and multilateral forums through which the country’s international relations are refracted.

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Before Midnight

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198743538.013.5 ◽

2010 ◽

Author(s):

Rahul Sagar

Keyword(s):

Twentieth Century ◽

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

Foreign Relations ◽

Prime Minister ◽

Early Twentieth Century ◽

The Subject ◽

Jawaharlal Nehru

This chapter examines ideas about war, peace, and international relations over the century preceding independence, of which there were many more and in greater depth than widely supposed. It outlines how and why Indians first began to articulate views on the subject, and subsequently analyses these ideas. It proposes that, contrary to the opinion of some scholars, Indians thought carefully about the nature of international relations. Most importantly, it emphasizes the plurality of views on the subject, and explains how and why proponents of pragmatism in foreign relations came to be sidelined in the period immediately preceding independence. Several of the personalities developing notions of what a foreign policy for India should involve as of the early twentieth century, including India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, became important actors in formulating and implementing foreign policy post-independence.

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LANGUAGE MEANS OF CREATING POLICIAN’S IMAGE (ON GERMANY MEDIA MATERIALS)

Актуальные вопросы современной филологии и журналистики ◽

10.36622/aqmpj.2021.23.91.019 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 124-130

Author(s):

О.В. Мифтахова ◽

К.Г. Мокрова

Keyword(s):

Foreign Policy ◽

International Relations ◽

The Political ◽

Leading Role ◽

Mass Consciousness ◽

Subjective Opinion ◽

The Media ◽

The Subject ◽

The Government ◽

Political Figure

Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения внешней политики страны. Цель статьи - рассмотреть на примере двух немецких политиков, Сары Вагенкнехт и Аннегрет Крамп-Карренбауэр, языковые средства создания имиджа, формирующие у аудитории данных деятелей субъективное мнение о них. СМИ выступает мощнейшим оружием в данном вопросе, придавая особую значимость тем или иным высказываниям политиков. Выражая собственную оценку, средства массовой информации незаметно влияют на сознание и суждения людей. Предмет исследования - средства выразительности, которые оказывают воздействие на создание положительных или негативных медиаобразов политиков Германии. Актуальность темы проявляется в необходимости правильно трактовать тонкости речи и письма, которые могут формировать оценочные мнения о том или ином политическом деятеле. This article considers the issues of language means of creating the image of a politician used in the German media. Since the media have a powerful manipulative effect, they play a leading role in creating mass consciousness and social opinion. In the media, political images are specially formed not only of individual representatives of the government, but also of the state as a whole. The political image of the leaders of states have the influence the development of international relations: the success of the country's foreign policy directly depends on the positive or negative coloring of a statesman. The purpose of the article is to examine, using the example of two German politicians, Sarah Wagenknecht and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as language means for creating an image, forming a subjective opinion of them among the audience. The media act as a powerful weapon in this matter, attaching particular importance to certain statements of politicians. Expressing their own assessment, the media imperceptibly affect the consciousness and judgments of people. The subject of the research is the means of expression that influence the creation of positive or negative media images of German politicians. The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to understand the intricacies of speech and writing, which can form evaluative opinions about a concrete political figure.

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Surveillance at the Roots of Everyday Interactions: Japan’s Conspiracy Bill and its Totalitarian Effects

Surveillance & Society ◽

10.24908/ss.v15i3/4.6626 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 15 (3/4) ◽

pp. 477-485 ◽

Cited By ~ 7

Author(s):

Midori Ogasawara

Keyword(s):

Criminal Justice ◽

Prime Minister ◽

State Power ◽

Constitutional Rights ◽

Right Wing ◽

Public And Private ◽

The Past ◽

Authoritarian Government ◽

The Government

Japan’s ultra-right wing government, led by Prime Minister Shinzo Abe since 2012, has been enforcing a number of controversial laws, such as the Secrecy Act and Security Act, which have enhanced surveillance and militarism. Without changing the Constitution, these laws allow the government to undermine the constitutional rights for individuals. The Conspiracy Law, Abe’s next attempt, focuses on placing people’s everyday communications under scrutiny. Against the modern principal of criminal justice, this law criminalizes the communications regarding crimes, without any criminal actions. Due to its extensively invasive character, the bill has been cancelled three times in the Diet in the past decade, but Abe insists that it is necessary for a successful running of 2020 Olympic in Tokyo as an anti-terror measure. While the Olympic gives the authoritarian government the best opportunity to incite nationalism and stabilize the rule, as the Nazi performed in 1936, surveillance comes forth to eliminate both public and private communications that question, criticize or counter the legitimacy of state power.

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