No Legal Impediment: Access to Abortion in the United States

1986 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. S. Cohan

If a pregnant woman in the United States wishes to terminate her pregnancy, she may do so unimpeded by the state during the first trimester of the pregnancy, so long as the termination is performed by a registered medical practitioner. In the second trimester, she must have closer consultation with her physician than in the first three months, but the choice of an abortion still resides with her. State interest in that period may be concerned only with the safety of the procedure for the mother since abortion during the second trimester is more life-threatening to the mother than in the first. Only in the last trimester of her pregnancy does the state interest in that choice become paramount because the state finds itself in the position of being advocate for the foetus which, in thelater stages of pregnancy, may be viable outside of the mother's womb.

Author(s):  
Michael Mandelbaum

In the wake of the Cold War, both the United States and Western Europe had an unprecedentedly peaceful relationship with Russia. That relationship eventually ended, however, to be replaced by conflict, for two reasons. First was the unwise Western decision to expand the Western alliance, also known as NATO, to Russia’s borders despite having promised not to do so. Second were aggressive Russian policies toward its neighbouring countries. These measures were undertaken by President Vladimir Putin as a way of winning popular support for his dictatorial rule, which had begun to lose favor across the state due to its economic shortcomings.


2021 ◽  
pp. 096914132110316
Author(s):  
Nathalie Lepage ◽  
Philip Wyatt ◽  
Edward R Ashwood ◽  
Robert G Best ◽  
Thomas Long ◽  
...  

Objective To compile current usage of serum-based prenatal screening for Down syndrome in the United States and compare it with results from a similar 2011/2012 survey. Setting The College of American Pathologists maternal screening proficiency testing survey includes a supplemental question on the first of three yearly distributions. Methods Information regarding tests offered and the monthly number of pregnancies tested for US-based laboratories were reviewed. Results were stratified by size of laboratory, tests offered, and pregnancies tested. Findings were compared to an earlier survey. Results Fifty-six laboratories reported they will have screened 1,131,336 pregnancies in 2020. Of these, 36% are screened by stand-alone first trimester testing, 48% by stand-alone second trimester testing, and 16% using tests that integrate results from both trimesters. Eighty percent of all serum screens were provided by the five laboratories that performed the most screens (at least 50,000). These five performed similar proportions of first or second trimester screens (42.2% and 41.8%, respectively). Compared to eight years earlier, there are now 54% fewer laboratories. Pregnancies screened using the first trimester, second trimester, and integrated protocols were lower by 27%, 69%, and 72%, respectively. The serum screening activity in the US showed a 62% decrease from 2012 levels. During 2012–2020, the number of cell-free DNA tests increased from negligible to 1,492,332. Conclusions Maternal serum screening for common aneuploidies has changed significantly in eight years with fewer laboratories, a shift toward larger laboratories and a 2.5-fold reduction in pregnancies tested, likely due to the introduction of cell-free DNA screening.


2013 ◽  
Vol 137 (7) ◽  
pp. 921-926 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenn E. Palomaki ◽  
George J. Knight ◽  
Edward R. Ashwood ◽  
Robert G. Best ◽  
James E. Haddow

Context.—Participants in a College of American Pathologists external proficiency testing program for first and second trimester Down syndrome screening. Objectives.—To determine the number of women screened for Down syndrome in the United States, along with the type of test received and to compare those results to earlier surveys in 1988 and 1992. Design.—Questionnaires regarding the type and number of Down syndrome tests performed per month were completed by participants in early 2011 and again in early 2012. Results.—After accounting for some of the missing responses, data from up to 131 laboratories indicated that 67% (2 764 020 of 4 130 000) to 72% (2012: 2 963 592 of 4 130 000) of US pregnancies received prenatal screening for Down syndrome. Second trimester tests were most common (2012: 60%; 1 770 024 of 2 963 592), followed by integrated (2012: 21%; 627 876 of 2 963 592), and first trimester (2012: 19%; 565 692 of 2 963 592). The 6 largest laboratories tested 61% of screened pregnancies and offered the widest array of tests, while the smallest 32 tested 1% and almost always offered only second trimester tests. Conclusions.—The current population estimate of 72% pregnancies screened annually is higher than estimates from 1988 (25%) and 1992 (50%). Available testing choices are also more varied, and all testing methods perform better than those methods available 10 years ago. Clinicians should ensure that women are offered tests that follow recommended best-practice testing protocols, and screening laboratories should assess whether patient needs are being met.


2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-100
Author(s):  
Michael Weinman ◽  

This is, indeed, another work on the subject of hate speech regulation in the United States. And yet, it is not just another such work. For my goal here is not to settle the jurisprudential arguments regarding the possibility of any specific hate speech regulation, either extant or yet to be conceived, withstanding a Constitutional test. Nor is it my intention to demonstrate, on the basis of a comparative study of existing legislation, that such regulation either is or is not effective in addressing or redressing the social ills of hatred, discrimination, and inequality. Rather, I will achieve greater analytical clarity about just what the harms of hate speech are. I do so in order to reinvigorate the question about regulation with a new view of what exactly the object needing attention is, by demonstrating that though there are real harms here, the state cannot provide a regulatory remedy (at least qua criminal justice). Thus, in my conclusion I will assert that the question of what we might do differently in response to hate speech can only be answered —however provisionally—insofar as we first confront how we need to think differently about it. Specifically, I will argue that we need to replace the emphasis on redressing harms once they have occurred with a new emphasis on addressing, and ultimately eliminating, the conditions which make those harms possible in the first place.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (28) ◽  
pp. 35-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alissa R. Ackerman ◽  
Rich Furman

This article assesses whether deported Latino immigrant sex offenders have similar offense types as each other (by country) and as deported non-Latino immigrants, and how they differ in terms of crimes committed and dispositions. To do so, the authors analyzed data available from the state of Florida, a state with one of the largest Latino populations in the United States. It situates the results of research within the current sociopolitical climate related to immigrants, fear of immigrants and sex offenders, and the nature of transnational migration.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2018 ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
Jessian L. Munoz ◽  
Amanda Kalan ◽  
Katherine Singh

Cervical ectopic pregnancies are a rare occurrence in the United States. Here we present the interdisciplinary and conservative management approach to a cervical ectopic at an advanced gestational age. In addition, we review the surgical management of hemorrhage from cervical ectopic pregnancies, which is often catastrophic and life-threatening.


Author(s):  
Jennifer J. Smith

Coherence of place often exists alongside irregularities in time in cycles, and chapter three turns to cycles linked by temporal markers. Ray Bradbury’s The Martian Chronicles (1950) follows a linear chronology and describes the exploration, conquest, and repopulation of Mars by humans. Conversely, Louise Erdrich’s Love Medicine (1984) jumps back and forth across time to narrate the lives of interconnected families in the western United States. Bradbury’s cycle invokes a confluence of historical forces—time as value-laden, work as a calling, and travel as necessitating standardized time—and contextualizes them in relation to anxieties about the space race. Erdrich’s cycle invokes broader, oppositional conceptions of time—as recursive and arbitrary and as causal and meaningful—to depict time as implicated in an entire system of measurement that made possible the destruction and exploitation of the Chippewa people. Both volumes understand the United States to be preoccupied with imperialist impulses. Even as they critique such projects, they also point to the tenacity with which individuals encounter these systems, and they do so by creating “interstitial temporalities,” which allow them to navigate time at the crossroads of language and culture.


Commonwealth ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennie Sweet-Cushman ◽  
Ashley Harden

For many families across Pennsylvania, child care is an ever-present concern. Since the 1970s, when Richard Nixon vetoed a national childcare program, child care has received little time in the policy spotlight. Instead, funding for child care in the United States now comes from a mixture of federal, state, and local programs that do not help all families. This article explores childcare options available to families in the state of Pennsylvania and highlights gaps in the current system. Specifically, we examine the state of child care available to families in the Commonwealth in terms of quality, accessibility, flexibility, and affordability. We also incorporate survey data from a nonrepresentative sample of registered Pennsylvania voters conducted by the Pennsylvania Center for Women and Politics. As these results support the need for improvements in the current childcare system, we discuss recommendations for the future.


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