The Conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant

1960 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 234-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Traian Stoianovich
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Aegean Islands ◽  
Merchant Class ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Business Concentration

The origins of a Balkan Orthodox merchant class or classes may be traced back to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Not until the eighteenth century, however, did it become sufficiently strong in wealth and number to capture the trade of Hungary, South Russia, and the eastern Mediterranean. The eighteenth century was a time of expansion of French, German, English, and Russian trade in the Balkans. It was also a time of growth of the trade of Moslem Albanian and Bosnian merchants. But, in terms of its significance to the cultural, political, and general historical evolution of the Balkan peoples, most important of all was the expansion of the Balkan Orthodox merchant: the Greek trader of Constantinople, Salonika, and Smyrna, the Greek and Orthodox Albanian merchant, sailor, and shipper of the smaller Aegean islands, the Greek, Vlach, and Macedo-Slav muleteer and forwarding agent of Epirus, Thessaly, and Macedonia, the Serbian pig-merchant of Šumadija, the “Illyrian” muleteer and forwarding agent of Herzegovina and Dalmatia, who set up business in Ragusa (Dubrovnik) or Trieste, the “Rascian” of Pannonia, and the Greek or Bulgarian of the eastern Rhodope. The Balkan Orthodox merchants were Ottoman, Habsburg, and Russian subjects, but their principal business was to bring goods into or out of the Ottoman Empire. The area of their primary business concentration stretched north and west of the political limits of the Ottoman Empire to Nezhin in South Russia, Leipzig in Germany, Vienna in Austria, and Livorno and Naples in Italy. In western Europe, they succeeded in creating an area of secondary commercial penetration.

scholarly journals Serbska cerkiew w sułtanacie, meczet w Serbii. Przestrzenie sakralne jako miejsca kłopotliwe

2015 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 281-301
Author(s):  
Marta Chaszczewicz-Rydel
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Orthodox Church ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Architectural Patterns ◽  
Politics And Culture ◽  
Islamic Religion ◽  
History Of ◽  
Complex Phenomena

Serbian Orthodox Church under the rule of the sultanate, mosques in Serbia. Sacral spaces as troublesome locationsThe territorial overlapping of the Ottoman Empire and the reaches of the Orthodox Church resulted in the emergence of new, complex phenomena and forms that managed to survive till the present times to a varying extent and by different means. These forms have become a part of the problematic and “difficult” tradition. Mosques and orthodox ­churches from the Ottoman times can be found among them. The subsequent reigns realised the ­symbolic impact of these temples on the area of religion, politics and culture. In the Ottoman times, the possibility of construction of new sacral buildings was determined by the then-current relations between the Serbian patriarchy and the caliphate. The fate of these buildings depended on the political situation, dominating imperial projects, cultural politics of the Serbian state and the local religious structure. The connections between temples and the dynamics of the political history of the Balkans is substantial: the temples were torn down and redesigned, the shape and location of orthodox churches relied on decisions by the Ottoman administration and the rules of oriental urbanism. However the mosques bear traces of inspiration with the Byzantine culture. Observing the development of sacral architecture in Niš – at the background of the political and social relations of the Ottoman empire, one is led to believe that orders rooted in external civilisations – the Islamic religion and the Orthodox Church, retained their individuality but at the same time continued to influence each other which is apparent in the wandering architectural patterns.

scholarly journals AN OVERVIEW OF THE ACTIVITIES OF TESKILAT-I MAHSUSA IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (48) ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Core ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Military Activity ◽  
First World

The Ottoman Empire signed an alliance agreement with Germany right after the start of the First World War. After the Alliance treaty, political and military targets were determined in the meeting held among the leaders of the Committee of Union and Progress to determine the policy to be followed. In this meeting, it was also decided to set up an Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, which would carry out a guerilla war for the army. Establishment of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, immediately after the alliance signed with Germany, shows that Germany is also looking at this kind of initiative. It was established under the proposal of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa Enver Pasha under the Ministry of War. Süleyman Askeri Bey, who dealt with the guerilla war, was brought to the head of the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa. The next two presidents were elected among soldiers of military origin. Unionist officers formed the core of the organization. Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa carried out activities in the Balkans, Caucasus, Morocco, Tripoli, Afghanistan, Iran, Iraq and Syria during the First World War. However, during the war, the Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa underwent some changes. After Ali Başhampa, a civilian, became the president, the name of Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa became Umur-ı Şarkiyye Dairesi, and Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa became more central and civil. Following this change, Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa started to conduct propaganda rather than military activity. In this article, the activities carried out by Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa during the First World War will be evaluated. Keywords: Teşkilat-ı Mahsusa, Enver Pashaa, the Committee of Union and Progress, the Ottoman Empire

Gust J. (Dino) Pappas (1931–1999)

2018 ◽  
pp. 415-420
Author(s):  
Stavros K. Frangos
Keyword(s):  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Musical Traditions ◽  
Of Greece

From 1940 onwards, Greek American Dino Pappas passionately collected ethnic commercial records and in so doing, acquired encyclopedic knowledge about the complex musical traditions of Greece, the Balkans, the Ottoman Empire, and the eastern Mediterranean. With over 10,000 78 rpm records (and other musical formats), he amassed what many believed to have been the largest such collection of its. During the last three decades of his life, Pappas’s role transformed from record collector and music aficionado to public speaker, record producer, and, musical authority.

Reforms and Deficits: Ottoman Response to European Challenges

2018 ◽  
pp. 90-111
Author(s):  
Şevket Pamuk
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Social ◽  
Modern Turkey ◽  
The One ◽  
Independence Movements

This chapter discusses the Ottoman reforms as well as the efforts to finance them. The Ottoman government, faced with the challenges from provincial notables and independence movements that were gaining momentum in the Balkans, on the one hand, and the growing military and economic power of Western Europe, on the other, began to implement a series of reforms in the early decades of the nineteenth century. These reforms and the opening of the economy began to transform the political and economic institutions very rapidly. The chapter shows the social and economic roots of modern Turkey thus need to be sought, first and foremost, in the changes that took place during the nineteenth century.

“Bulgarian Horrors” Revisited: the Many-Layered Manifestations of the Orientalist Discourse in Victorian Political Construction of the External, Intimate and Internal Other

Belleten ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 81 (291) ◽  
pp. 525-568
Author(s):  
Nazan Çi̇çek
Keyword(s):  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Salient Feature ◽  
Cognitive Map ◽  
The Political ◽  
Parliamentary Debates ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Eastern Question ◽  
The Times ◽  
The Many

This study largely drawing upon the established conceptual framework of Orientalism in Saidian terms shall analyse the British perceptions and representations of the Bulgarian Crisis of 1876, a salient feature of the Eastern Question, as they appeared in British parliamentary debates. It will also make occasional yet instructive references to the coverage of the Crisis as well as the image of the Ottoman Empire and the Balkans which were organic parts of the Crisis, in some influential periodicals of the era such as the Times and the Contemporary Review in order to better contextualize the debates in the parliament. The main point this article shall make is that the Bulgarian Crisis worked as a catalyst in reinforcing the hegemony of the Orientalist discourse in the political construction of the Ottoman Empire as an absolute external Other in Britain at the time. It shall also delve into the construction of the Balkans as an "intimate other" whose Oriental and European features were alternately accentuated during the Crisis with a view to enlist the British public in either supporting or denouncing the Bulgarian uprising. All in all, it will suggest that the Orientalist rhetoric was embedded at the very core of the Victorian British elites' cognitive map, and was also unsparingly employed in negating the domestic political opponents swamping them with negative Orientalist stereotypes.

Şeyhulislâm Feyzullah Efendi, the Ḥanafī Mufti of Jerusalem and the Rise of the Provincial Fatāwā Collections in the Eighteenth Century

2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 377-403
Author(s):  
Guy Burak
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Long Eighteenth Century ◽  
Historical Moment

Abstract The article examines the rise of standardized collections of fatāwā issued by officially appointed provincial Hanafi muftis across the Ottoman Empire in the long eighteenth century. The article focuses on the earliest compilation, that of the Jerusalemite Ḥanafī mufti, ʿAbd al-Raḥīm b. Abī al-Luṭf. This compilation was commissioned by the famous chief imperial mufti Feyzullah Efendi. The article then traces the proliferation of the standardized fatāwā compilation over the course of the eighteenth century, from Medina to the Balkans. This essay seeks to examine the emergence of local/provincial compilations of fatāwā over the eighteenth century as yet another chapter in the long intervention of the Ottoman dynasty (through its learned hierarchy) in the regulation of the doctrines of the Ḥanafī madhhab at the imperial and provincial levels. Focusing on Feyzullah Efendi’s initiative and its aftermath may cast light on specific venues and practices in which this intervention took place in a particular historical moment.

A Clock for the Sultan

2013 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 547-563 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Burschel
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Common Ground ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gift Giving ◽  
History Of ◽  
Dual Perspective ◽  
History Of Diplomacy

The contribution examines a gift-giving conflict which arose in Istanbul and which was recorded in the diary of the Habsburg envoy Hans Ludwig von Kuefstein at the turn of the year 1628/1629: the demand made by Ottoman dignitaries to increase the guest gifts for the Sultan and the rejection of this demand by the envoy. How should this conflict be interpreted? The contribution examines this question by contextualizing the conflict from a dual perspective—thereby disclosing the contours of two different approaches to gift-giving which had difficulty finding common ground. While the political economy of gift-giving in Western Europe was based upon personal obligation and internal bonds, the Ottoman Empire possessed the concept of a gift-giving duty which was intended solely to honour the office. The contribution thereby shows how the encounter of cultural strangeness can be discussed in specific situations. For this reason, the study should also be viewed as a micro-analytical history of diplomacy carried out from an intercultural perspective.

Epilogue

2021 ◽  
pp. 239-248
Author(s):  
David Lloyd Dusenbury
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Moment ◽  
Theory Of History ◽  
Other World ◽  
Set Up ◽  
The Moment

According to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the Roman trial of Jesus is the origin of Christian Europe’s fissile politics. Yet it seems to have gone unremarked in the literature on Rousseau’s thought that he rejects the Christian political legacy on the strength of his interpretation of Jesus’ Roman trial. Rousseau cites this trial at a critical moment of his Social Contract: “Jesus came to set up on earth a spiritual kingdom, which, by separating the theological system from the political system, led to the state’s ceasing to be one, and caused the internal divisions which have never ceased to convulse Christian peoples.” Salient in Rousseau’s theory of history is the moment when Jesus testifies to what he calls a “so-called kingdom of the other world” (prétendu royaume de l’autre monde). And when is that? None of Rousseau’s eighteenth-century readers could have failed to hear, in this, Jesus’ utterance before Pilate: “My kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:36). This is Jesus’ world-historical idea which, in Rousseau’s words, “could never have entered the head of pagans”.

Of Revolutions and the Problem of Choice

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophia Rosenfeld
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Practice ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Modern Democracy ◽  
History Of Capitalism ◽  
Choice Making ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Nineteenth

In the cities of Western Europe and its colonies, the so-called calico-craze of the early eighteenth century helped spawn a new social practice and form of entertainment that came to be known as “going shopping.” This activity, in turn, produced a new attachment to preference determination and choice-making that several prominent historians—in an effort to reconnect the history of capitalism with that of the American and French Revolutions—have seen as fundamental to the turn to the political choice-making that they associate with the birth of modern democracy. This article argues instead for disentangling these developments. On the contrary, the article demonstrates that the individuated, privitized, and indeed commercialized form of choice-making we now typically take as an essential marker of democracy was a product of the late nineteenth century and had little connection to the conception of politics that developed in the Age of Revolutions.

The Greek Crisis — Its Constitutional Background

1948 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 84-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cyril E. Black
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Mediterranean ◽  
Eastern Mediterranean Region ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
Aegean Islands ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Constitutional Regime ◽  
First World ◽  
Of Greece

Ever since the liberation of Greece over a century ago, the central issues in Greek public life have been the political unification of all Greek-speaking peoples, questions of domestic, social and economic policy, and the elaboration of a satisfactory constitutional regime.Since Greece received at the time of its liberation only a small share of the lands which it considered to be Greek, its foreign policy has always had this goal: the unification under the political sovereignty of the national state of all the territories in the Eastern Mediterranean region where Greek-speaking inhabitants predominate. By the acquisition of the Ionian Islands in 1863, Thessaly in 1881, and Crete, die Aegean Islands, Southern Epirus and Southern Macedonia in 1913, the greater part of this task had been accomplished on the eve of the first World War.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document