Elections, Political Parties and Political Culture in Brazil: Changes and Continuities

1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alvaro Moisés
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political History ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
Brazilian Politics

The 1989 presidential elections confirmed the thesis that Brazilian voters use their ballots as weapons to express their dissatisfaction with the performance of their governments and, in particular, with the incumbents' ability to cope with the serious economic difficulties that have plagued Brazil in recent decades. Nearly thirty years after the last free presidential elections, the ballots cast across Brazil and in all segments of the society reflected a heightened plebiscitary tendency, especially in the most developed regions of the nation, that is, in modern Brazil. Looking at recent political history, we can observe that this trend became generalised in the 1970s, with the crisis of the authoritarian regime. Faced with a two-party system (Arena and MDB) imposed by the ruling military, the electorate voiced its protest by voting against authoritarianism and, in principle, in favour of democracy. Now that the authoritarian regime is no longer there, democracy seeks its consolidation – but the voters continue voting against; that is, they continue to use their ballots to reject incumbent governments (the 1986 elections being the only exception). The big change, however, is that now, in addition to reproving administrations which they deem inadequate, the voters are also protesting against the backwardness and vices of traditional Brazilian politics and, more specifically, against the practices of corruption, favouritism, and privatism.

Intellectuals, journals, and the legitimisation of political power: the case of the Italian intellectual group of Il Mulino (1950s and 1960s)

Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marzia Maccaferri
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Intellectual Discourse ◽  
European Tradition ◽  
Italian Politics ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Do So

This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.

Timing and Sequence in Congressional Elections: Interstate Contagion and America's Nineteenth-Century Scheduling Regime

2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott C. James
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Political History ◽  
Congressional Elections ◽  
Simple Rule ◽  
Congressional Election ◽  
Early State ◽  
Historical Pattern ◽  
Over Time

“The first Tuesday after the first Monday in November”—by this simple rule, Americans organize 435 congressional election contests into one simultaneous collective event. Many—including not a few political scientists—treat this scheduling requirement as though it were an enduring feature of American political history, perhaps even one of the Framers' constitutional stipulations. In fact, the historical pattern is richer and more variegated. For much of the country's first hundred years, diversity, not uniformity, was a defining feature of the congressional election schedule. The non-synchronous character of this first American scheduling regime manifested itself in two especially critical ways. First, non-synchronicity within states separated congressional and presidential elections in time, creating a host of problems for political parties, from the challenges of multiple mobilization efforts, to the difficulties of ensuring a unified party vote across federal elections that could be separated by several months. Second, non-synchronicity across states in congressional elections meant that legislative races unfolded sequentially over time, exposing these predominantly local contests to distinctive interstate contagions—not unlike contemporary presidential primaries—with unexpected partisan showings in early state races helping to shape outcomes in subsequent state contests.

scholarly journals Una democracia nada perfecta: continuidades en la financiación de los partidos españoles desde la transición política a nuestros días

2018 ◽  
pp. 685
Author(s):  
Manuel Maroto Calatayud
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
History Of ◽  
Party Funding

Resumen: En este artículo vamos a realizar un pequeño recorrido por la financiación ilegal de partidos políticos en España desde la transición política. Aunque nos vamos a centrar en la primera de ellas, se trata en realidad de dos historias, entremezcladas: la primera es la de la “financiación” de los partidos españoles desde la democracia, lo que sus prácticas y dinámicas financieras cuentan acerca de estas formaciones y, en general, acerca del sistema español de partidos. La segunda, la historia de lo “ilegal” en materia de financiación de partidos: cómo las élites políticas han reaccionado a los escándalos, y dónde han ido poniendo la línea divisoria entre lo legítimo y lo ilegítimo. Ambas retratan una democracia nada perfecta: una que, de hecho, a menudo aparenta no tener aspiraciones de perfeccionarse, sino más bien de perseverar en una cultura organizativa y partidista con fuertes anclajes en las deficiencias del sistema de partidos surgido de la transición política.Palabras clave: Financiación ilegal de partidos políticos, corrupción, transición política, cultura política, modelos de partido, democracia interna.Abstract: This paper analyzes the practices of illegal funding of political parties in Spain since the transition to democracy. It involves two different interrelated narrations: the first one has to do with the “funding” of Spanish parties, with how their financial practices and dynamics tells us about some particularities of these political organizations and the Spanish party system. The second narration addresses the history of what is “illegal” regarding political party funding: how political elites have reacted to scandals, and how the line separating legitimate and illegitimate funding practices has evolved. Both approaches describe a far from perfect party democracy: one that, in fact, often seems not to aspire to improvement, but rather to perseverate in organizational party cultures that are strongly rooted in the deficiencies of the party system emerged from the Spanish political transition to democracy.Keywords: Illegal funding of political parties, corruption, Spanish political transition, political culture, political party models, internal democracy.

scholarly journals KELOMPOK KEPENTINGAN (INTEREST GROUP), KEKUASAAN DAN KEDUDUKANNYA DALAM SISTEM POLITIK

2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Maiwan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Rapid Expansion ◽  
Media Campaigns ◽  
Grass Roots ◽  
Strategic Position ◽  
The Government

The interest groups have a strategic position in society as a liaison between the community and government. Its presence to dynamic of political system. There are several types of interest groups, namely: Anomic groups; nonassosiasional; institutional; associational. The emergence of interest groups are going along with the rapid expansion of government's role in all areas of life. When expressing their interest to the government, interest groups use two ways: First, sell the issue to the political parties. Second, direct express their aspirations to the government. The method used is through; lobbying, mass media campaigns, as well as grass-roots pressure. The success to influence of the government depend on some aspects such as: Political culture, institutional structure, character and the party system, character and style in public policy.

Australian Political Parties

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anika Gauja
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Comparative Perspective ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Evolutionary Trajectory ◽  
Effective Representation

This chapter charts the evolution of Australian political parties and analyses the characteristics of Australian partisan politics, which are constantly evolving to balance the pragmatism of electoral politics with demands for effective representation and participation. The chapter highlights what is both similar and distinctive about Australian parties in comparative perspective, explores the influence of ideas from other political systems, and reflects on how Australian political culture, institutions, and parties have evolved in symbiosis. It examines changes in the nature of the party system and within parties as organizations, and contemplates the future of political parties as actors in Australian politics. As political parties worldwide continue to face rising levels of public disaffection with formal political institutions and rapidly changing technologies, the evolutionary trajectory of parties in Australia is becoming increasingly complex.

A Critique of Nigeria's Proposed Two-Party System

1989 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony A. Akinola
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political History ◽  
The Past ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
The Government ◽  
And Coping

Shortly after assuming office as Head of State in August 1985, President Ibrahim Babangida inaugurated a 17-member Political Bureau, headed by Professor Sylvanus Cookey, whose terms of reference included ‘The review of Nigeria's political history, identifying the basic problems which led to failure in the past and suggesting ways of resolving and coping with these problems’.1 One of the most controversial of the Bureau's proposals was that the number of political parties should be limited to two in order to ensure that Nigeria's future politics would be based on principles and not ethnicity.2 The Government accepted this recommendation as part of the programme for a return to civilian rule in 1992, and has decided that two parties will be registered in 1989.3

Presidential Elections in the American Political System

1971 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-23
Author(s):  
Robert D. Marcus
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political System ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party System ◽  
Human Life ◽  
American Constitution ◽  
Political Tradition ◽  
American Party

The founders of the American republic did not, by and large, like political parties. Their whole political tradition taught them to identify “faction” and “party” with the irrational and disruptive tendencies in human life, with “passion” and “interest.” Against this they set constitutions, first the British Constitution, then the written American Constitution of 1787 as rational artifices or constructions designed to thwart “the spirit of party and faction.” Yet the very men who left their political testaments against party were also the creators of the first American party system, the heroes whose rites the parties celebrate down to the present.

The trail of votes in Russia’s 1999 Duma and 2000 presidential elections

2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mikhail Myagkov ◽  
Peter C. Ordeshook
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party System ◽  
Institutional Reform ◽  
New Parties ◽  
Economic Changes

Russia’s array of political parties, based largely on Moscow-centered personalities with presidential aspirations rather than coherent policy programs, continued its seemingly directionless evolution in 1999 with the appearance of two new ‘parties’—Otechestvo and Edinstvo—each designed primarily to facilitate presidential aspirations. In contrast and despite wrenching economic changes, Russia from 1991 through 1996, at least, offers the picture of a surprisingly stable electorate in which the flow of votes across elections from one party or candidate to the next follows a coherent and not altogether unpredictable pattern. Aggregate election returns suggests that this pattern persisted through the 1999 Duma balloting to the 2000 presidential election. The KPRF, as well as Yabloko, won nearly as many votes in 1999 as in 1996, while the votes lost by Our Home Is Russia, the LDPR, Lebed’s allies in 1996, and a bevy of other small and not altogether anti-reform parties nearly account for Otechestvo and Edinstvo totals. Here, however, we offer a close examination of official rayon-level election returns from both 1999 and 2000 and conclude that this picture of stability masks the importance we ought to attribute to the influence of regional governors and their abilities to direct the votes of their electorates in a nearly wholesale fashion. We argue, moreover, that this conclusion is important to the matter of reforming Russia’s institutions so as to encourage a coherent party system. Specifically, rather than focus on electoral institutional reform, we argue that the principal culprit in explaining the failure of a coherent party system to materialize is the influence of Russia’s super-presidentialism.

Democracy without Parties? Political Parties and Regime Change in Fujimori's Peru

2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (03) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Levitsky ◽  
Maxwell A. Cameron
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Informal Sector ◽  
Party System ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
System Decomposition ◽  
Media Technologies

AbstractPolitical parties are critical to Latin American democracy. This was demonstrated in Peru, where an atomized, candidate-centered party system developed after Alberto Fujimori's 1992 presidential self-coup. Party system decomposition weakened the democratic opposition against an increasingly authoritarian regime. Since the regime collapsed in 2000, prospects for party rebuilding have been mixed. Structural changes, such as the growth of the informal sector and the spread of mass media technologies, have weakened politicians' incentive to build parties. Although these changes did not cause the collapse of the party system, they may inhibit its reconstruction.

From Circles to Parties. Genesis of Party System in Russia in the Beginning of 20th Century

2020 ◽  
Vol 102 ◽  
pp. 464-470
Author(s):  
Kirill A. Solovyov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Party System ◽  
Revolutionary Era ◽  
The Public ◽  
Party Organizations ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
In The Beginning

The article is devoted to the general patterns of political parties formation in Russia at the beginning of the 20th century. They were preceded by proto-party organizations that were far from being ideologically monolithic. Under the conditions of rapid differentiation of political forces, the existing alliances were often accidental and situational. They hung on to the legacy of the pre-revolutionary era, when the public was just “learning” to talk about politics, and the boundaries between different ideological structures were quite rather relative.

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