Australian Political Parties

Author(s):  
Anika Gauja

This chapter charts the evolution of Australian political parties and analyses the characteristics of Australian partisan politics, which are constantly evolving to balance the pragmatism of electoral politics with demands for effective representation and participation. The chapter highlights what is both similar and distinctive about Australian parties in comparative perspective, explores the influence of ideas from other political systems, and reflects on how Australian political culture, institutions, and parties have evolved in symbiosis. It examines changes in the nature of the party system and within parties as organizations, and contemplates the future of political parties as actors in Australian politics. As political parties worldwide continue to face rising levels of public disaffection with formal political institutions and rapidly changing technologies, the evolutionary trajectory of parties in Australia is becoming increasingly complex.

1993 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Jankowski

In the only official policy position ever taken by the American Political Science Association, it advocated the transformation of American political parties into a strong, centralized two-party system. Olson has proposed a detailed explanation of why Westminster political systems and parties will produce more efficient public policy than weak, decentralized political parties. He argues that centralized political parties in two-party political systems are ‘encompassing’ and, hence, have an incentive to minimize redistributive policies. Olson thus provides a justification for the policy position taken by the APSA. I evaluate Olson's explanation from the perspective of Tullock's rent-seeking behaviour argument and the deadweight losses needed for Olson's argument to hold. An alternative formulation of encompassing organizations is presented and contrasted with Olson's definition as it applies to political institutions. Finally, an empirical test of the responsible and Westminster party systems arguments is provided. The evidence presented here rejects the claims of the Westminster and responsible party models.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (5) ◽  
pp. 87-95
Author(s):  
D.L. TSYBAKOV ◽  

The purpose of the article is to assess the nature of the evolution of the institution of political parties in post – Soviet Russia. The article substantiates that political parties continue to be one of the leading political institutions in the modern Russian Federation. The premature to recognize the functional incapacity of party institutions in the post-industrial/information society is noted. It is argued that political parties continue to be a link between society and state power, and retain the potential for targeted and regular influence on strategic directions of social development. The research methodology is based on the principles of consistency, which allowed us to analyze various sources of information and empirical data on trends and prospects for the evolution of the party system in the Russian Federation. As a result, the authors come to the conclusion that in Russian conditions the convergence of party elites with state bureaucracy is increasing, and there is a distance between political parties and civil society.


Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marzia Maccaferri

This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.


1973 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 600-607
Author(s):  
Gerald A. Heeger

The growing role of governmental bureaucracy has been one of the most noted and discussed characteristics of developing political systems. The phenomenon of bureaucratic intervention in politics, already discernible in the 1950's in many of these states, has, so it seems, become the rule rather than the exception in the years that have followed. Despite the prevalence of the politicized bureaucracy, however, and the amount of discussion engendered by the phenomenon, die sources of bureaucratic growth and dominance in the developing states remain obscure. Most analysts emphasize the superior organization of the bureaucracy and argue that this organization, reinforced by die transfer of techniques from abroad and uncontested because of weak indigenous political institutions, provides much of the explanation for the aggrandizement of the bureaucracy in die policy-making process.


1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (3) ◽  
pp. 729-750 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert S. Erikson ◽  
Gerald C. Wright ◽  
John P. McIver

When comparing states in the United States, one finds little correlation between state opinion and party control of the state legislature or between party control and state policy. Although these low correlations seeming to indicate that partisan politics is irrelevant to the representation process, the opposite is true. State opinion influences the ideological positions of state parties, and parties' responsiveness to state opinion helps to determine their electoral success. Moreover, parties move toward the center once in office. For these reasons, state electoral politics is largely responsible for the correlation between state opinion and state policy.


1999 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Misztal

By looking at the history of the Polish lustration — the policy of checking the past of candidates for important positions — this article argues that although the lustration law has been finally passed at the end of 1998, Poland's dealing with the past is still full of unresolved and deeply ambivalent problems due to the nature of its postcommunist transition and the nature of the newly constructed political institutions. These conditions were shaped by the relative strength of the Polish anti-communist opposition, which credibility within the society permitted it to accept a compromise with the old regime. The undetermined character of many of Poland's political institutions have accelerated the use of the issue of retrospective justice in the partisan politics, which in turn has limited the opportunity for consensual policy, and therefore has reduced societal trust of the political parties, while at the same time increased the demand for the purification of the political system.


1963 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 462-465
Author(s):  
Lucy Mair

Mr. Gray's argument, if I have understood it correctly, is that two-party political systems, which he equates with the register of a vote for any purpose, are culturally linked with a philosophy which sees true and false, right and wrong, as polar opposites and which springs from the claims of the Christian church to final authority in matters of truth and morals. He argues that we are moving away from such a philosophy in the light of recent discoveries in physics, notably Einstein's theory of relativity and presumably (though he does not mention this) Heisenberg's uncertainty principle. He draws support from Dr. Apter's statement of a generalization familiar to the student of politics, that in a successful two-party system both sides must court the “floating voter”, and this leads them to moderate their opposition rather than carry it to extremes. Mr. Gray does not accept this as a general proposition, but takes it as a description of a recent change in the attitudes of political parties, to be correlated with new trends in philosophy. Hence, he argues, the two-party system is not an essential element of democracy and there is no need to be distressed if it is not adopted in African states. African culture, he argues, is not based on our philosophical premises, and the evidence he advances is that Africans are free in some societies to choose between the cults of different deities.


Author(s):  
Manuel Maroto Calatayud

Resumen: En este artículo vamos a realizar un pequeño recorrido por la financiación ilegal de partidos políticos en España desde la transición política. Aunque nos vamos a centrar en la primera de ellas, se trata en realidad de dos historias, entremezcladas: la primera es la de la “financiación” de los partidos españoles desde la democracia, lo que sus prácticas y dinámicas financieras cuentan acerca de estas formaciones y, en general, acerca del sistema español de partidos. La segunda, la historia de lo “ilegal” en materia de financiación de partidos: cómo las élites políticas han reaccionado a los escándalos, y dónde han ido poniendo la línea divisoria entre lo legítimo y lo ilegítimo. Ambas retratan una democracia nada perfecta: una que, de hecho, a menudo aparenta no tener aspiraciones de perfeccionarse, sino más bien de perseverar en una cultura organizativa y partidista con fuertes anclajes en las deficiencias del sistema de partidos surgido de la transición política.Palabras clave: Financiación ilegal de partidos políticos, corrupción, transición política, cultura política, modelos de partido, democracia interna.Abstract: This paper analyzes the practices of illegal funding of political parties in Spain since the transition to democracy. It involves two different interrelated narrations: the first one has to do with the “funding” of Spanish parties, with how their financial practices and dynamics tells us about some particularities of these political organizations and the Spanish party system. The second narration addresses the history of what is “illegal” regarding political party funding: how political elites have reacted to scandals, and how the line separating legitimate and illegitimate funding practices has evolved. Both approaches describe a far from perfect party democracy: one that, in fact, often seems not to aspire to improvement, but rather to perseverate in organizational party cultures that are strongly rooted in the deficiencies of the party system emerged from the Spanish political transition to democracy.Keywords: Illegal funding of political parties, corruption, Spanish political transition, political culture, political party models, internal democracy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Maiwan

The interest groups have a strategic position in society as a liaison between the community and government. Its presence to dynamic of political system. There are several types of interest groups, namely: Anomic groups; nonassosiasional; institutional; associational. The emergence of interest groups are going along with the rapid expansion of government's role in all areas of life. When expressing their interest to the government, interest groups use two ways: First, sell the issue to the political parties. Second, direct express their aspirations to the government. The method used is through; lobbying, mass media campaigns, as well as grass-roots pressure. The success to influence of the government depend on some aspects such as: Political culture, institutional structure, character and the party system, character and style in public policy.


Author(s):  
Konstantine Shubitidze ◽  
Tornike Tevdoradze

Caucasus is one of the most popular region for the world in the political view. Three countries – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – are part of that region. Despite of the close ties between them and the neighborhood, they have political system similarities and differences as well.  In the paper, we will discuss and compare those three countries from different points of view: political regimes, types of government, number of ministries, economics, political culture, political parties in the parliament and demography. We will find out which country is much forward in these spares, what are their problems and perspectives, what their main political course is and how they interact to each other. In addition to that, we will also discuss and prove our statements by the statistical data of democracy level or political transparency. In addition, it will show some actual problems in the region to the reader and finally it will draw clear picture of the political environment in the region. Keywords: Political Regimes, Democracy, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ministries, Government, Political Parties, Demography, Economy, Political Culture


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