Intellectuals, journals, and the legitimisation of political power: the case of the Italian intellectual group of Il Mulino (1950s and 1960s)

Modern Italy ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marzia Maccaferri

This article explores the intellectual discourse of Il Mulino’s intellectual group in relation to the transformation of Italian politics during the period leading up to the centre-left governments. First, it investigates Il Mulino’s cultural project of overcoming the hegemony of idealism by endorsing the empiricist approach favoured by Anglo-American social sciences, while establishing a new role for intellectuals. Then, it focuses on the group’s political agenda aimed at rationalising Italy’s ‘imperfect two-party system’. We argue that, within the Italian intellectual-political scenario, Il Mulino’s intellectual discourse sought to establish a new relationship between culture and politics. It tried to do so both by anchoring Italian political culture to the liberal- and social-democratic European tradition and by contributing to the stabilisation of Italian democracy, while proposing a reduction in the number of political parties.

Author(s):  
Richard S. Katz ◽  
Peter Mair

Political parties have long been recognized as essential institutions of democratic governance. Both the organization of parties, and their relationships with citizens, the state, and each other have evolved since the rise of liberal democracy in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Going into the twenty-first century, it appears that parties are losing popular support, putting both parties, and potentially democracy, in peril. This book traces the evolution of parties from the model of the mass party, through the catch-all party model, to argue that by the late twentieth century the principal governing parties (and their allied smaller parties—collectively the political “mainstream”) were effectively forming a cartel, in which the form of competition might remain, and indeed even appear to intensify, while its substance was increasingly hollowed out. The spoils of office were increasingly shared rather than restricted to the temporary winners; contentious policy questions were kept off the political agenda, and competition shifted from large questions of policy to minor questions of managerial competence. To support this cartel, the internal arrangements of parties changed to privilege the party in public office over the party on the ground. The unintended consequence has been to stimulate the rise of extra-cartel challengers to these cozy arrangements in the form of anti-party-system parties and populist oppositions on the left, but especially on the right.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-45
Author(s):  
Mieke Van Haegendoren

The major changes in the Belgian partysystem occurred within the context of the rise of the welfare state. Most welfare provisions were subcontracted to the different «zuil» organisations, with their political parties functioning as masterorganisation.The contrasts between «catholic» Flanders and «red» Wallonia dominated the political  agenda, and led up to the fractionalisation of the party-system. The political positions of the parties remained unchanged : ascendancy of the catholics, challenged by the socialists, with the liberals holding the balance, and communists and «federalist» parties beingback in opposition after a short period of governmental participation.Although party identification has shifted from ideological towards clientelist motives, the party preference of the electorate did not alter. The functions of parties did change : the power of mandatories decreased and parties increasingly control and even formulate public policy.Television has personalized political propaganda, which is, in between elections, professionally made by highly subsidized cultural masterorganisations.  The costs of electoral propaganda, nowadays runned by commercial - advertising bureaus, have increased substantially. All this led to the decline of the propaganda by volunteers.


Author(s):  
Antonio Carlos Wolkmer ◽  
Débora Ferrazzo

Resumo: Verifica-se na América Latina o reconhecimento crescente da presença do pluralismo, decorrente da grande diversidade de sistemas normativos e culturas autóctones, engendrada especialmente pelos povos originários e pelo ingresso de outros povos e culturas, fomentados no processo de colonização. Tais sistemas coexistem com o direito estatal, trazido das metrópoles pelo colonizador, de modo que tal direito, na história do continente, desenvolveu-se subordinado a interesses da tradição elitista, negligenciando as necessidades de segmentos majoritários e violentando em um nível inclusive ontológico, a diversidade cultural do latino-americana, na busca pela concretização de um projeto universalizante, que conduz a um único paradigma – o eurocêntrico. Entretanto, nas últimas décadas, foram deflagradas dinâmicas sociais transformadoras em todo o continente, em especial na região andina, culminando na edificação legítima e comunitária do poder político e nas mudanças das instituições oficiais, legadas pela cultura jurídico-política colonizadora (tradição europeia), notadamente, a Constituição e o Estado. Assim, adota-se uma opção metodológica e epistemológica pautada na bibliografia crítica, objetivando analisar estes processos e as oportunidades promissoras para um projeto descolonizador, que se impõem como fenômeno de estudo fundamental para as diversas ciências sociais, especialmente para o direito, onde o aporte crítico é tão necessário.Palavras-chave: Colonização jurídica; Insurgência popular; Processos democráticos; Pluralismo jurídico. Abstract: Latin-America is currently experiencing a growing acknowledgement of a wide variety of normative systems and native cultures, especially those generated by indigenous peoples and the entrance of others cultures and peoples, fomented by the colonization process. These systems coexist with State law, brought in the metropolis by the colonizer, so that such a law, in continent's history, has been developed under the interests of an elitist tradition, neglecting the needs of major segments and violating, including in ontological level, the cultural diversity of the continent. This is a consequence of the quest for achieving the goals of a universalizing project, which is based on a single paradigm – the Eurocentric. However, in recent decades, new transformative social dynamics have been triggered across the Latin American continent, especially in the Andean region. These dynamics have culminated in the construction of a legitimate political power based on communitarian values and have promoted changes in the two major official institutions originally bestowed by the legal and colonial political culture (European tradition), namely, the Constitution and the State. Therefore, this study adopts a methodological and epistemological option based on critical bibliography, aiming at to analyze these processes and the promising opportunities for the decolonization project, which imposes a fundamental study to various social sciences, especially to legal science, where the critical apparatus is so necessary.Keywords: Legal colonization; Popular insurgency; Democratic processes; Legal pluralism.


Author(s):  
Manuel Maroto Calatayud

Resumen: En este artículo vamos a realizar un pequeño recorrido por la financiación ilegal de partidos políticos en España desde la transición política. Aunque nos vamos a centrar en la primera de ellas, se trata en realidad de dos historias, entremezcladas: la primera es la de la “financiación” de los partidos españoles desde la democracia, lo que sus prácticas y dinámicas financieras cuentan acerca de estas formaciones y, en general, acerca del sistema español de partidos. La segunda, la historia de lo “ilegal” en materia de financiación de partidos: cómo las élites políticas han reaccionado a los escándalos, y dónde han ido poniendo la línea divisoria entre lo legítimo y lo ilegítimo. Ambas retratan una democracia nada perfecta: una que, de hecho, a menudo aparenta no tener aspiraciones de perfeccionarse, sino más bien de perseverar en una cultura organizativa y partidista con fuertes anclajes en las deficiencias del sistema de partidos surgido de la transición política.Palabras clave: Financiación ilegal de partidos políticos, corrupción, transición política, cultura política, modelos de partido, democracia interna.Abstract: This paper analyzes the practices of illegal funding of political parties in Spain since the transition to democracy. It involves two different interrelated narrations: the first one has to do with the “funding” of Spanish parties, with how their financial practices and dynamics tells us about some particularities of these political organizations and the Spanish party system. The second narration addresses the history of what is “illegal” regarding political party funding: how political elites have reacted to scandals, and how the line separating legitimate and illegitimate funding practices has evolved. Both approaches describe a far from perfect party democracy: one that, in fact, often seems not to aspire to improvement, but rather to perseverate in organizational party cultures that are strongly rooted in the deficiencies of the party system emerged from the Spanish political transition to democracy.Keywords: Illegal funding of political parties, corruption, Spanish political transition, political culture, political party models, internal democracy.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Maiwan

The interest groups have a strategic position in society as a liaison between the community and government. Its presence to dynamic of political system. There are several types of interest groups, namely: Anomic groups; nonassosiasional; institutional; associational. The emergence of interest groups are going along with the rapid expansion of government's role in all areas of life. When expressing their interest to the government, interest groups use two ways: First, sell the issue to the political parties. Second, direct express their aspirations to the government. The method used is through; lobbying, mass media campaigns, as well as grass-roots pressure. The success to influence of the government depend on some aspects such as: Political culture, institutional structure, character and the party system, character and style in public policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 208-232
Author(s):  
Moh. Ilham A. Hamudy ◽  
M. Saidi Rifki

The Multi-Party Presidential Government in Indonesia has reached a critical point. The 2.5 percent parliamentary threshold rule in the 2009 Election was incapable to address the issue. The parliamentary threshold was raised to 3.5 percent in 2014, in the hope to reduce the number of party joining the election, but it failed to do so. There were 9 national parties participating in the 2009 election, and it will be increased to 16 in the 2019 election. Theoretically, the combination of multi-party parliament in a Presidential Government is rather strange. It is not surprising that the "conflict" between the president and parliament often occurs. There suppose to be a coalition supporting the government in parliament, but the coalition is not a firm one. The coalition did not have a significant influence in strengthening the presidential government. Therefore, this study intends to provide a complete picture of multi-party system practices while trying to provide solutions for strengthening the presidential government in Indonesia. To achieve this goal, this study uses the literature study method in collecting relevant information, using a qualitative approach. This approach is considered appropriate because multi-party phenomena and presidential systems are multidimensional. In contrast to previous research which was limited to the description and problems of multiparty systems, this research besides describing the system of government also provided moderate solutions that were considered to be in accordance with the Indonesian context. This study assumes that strengthening presidential systems can be done if the political parties are more modest. In addition, parliamentary support for the president must be optimized. The results of the study concluded that the strengthening of presidential systems must be carried out through the purification of the government system contained in the constitution, forming and strengthening the ranks of government coalitions in parliament, and carrying out a number of institutional engineering through various forms. These three things must be wrapped in a constitutional frame (amendments to the 1945 Constitution) and regulations (revisions to laws and government regulations). The amendments and revisions can be done through three corridors, namely the intra-parliamentary movement, the extra-parliamentary movement, and the referendum.


Author(s):  
Anika Gauja

This chapter charts the evolution of Australian political parties and analyses the characteristics of Australian partisan politics, which are constantly evolving to balance the pragmatism of electoral politics with demands for effective representation and participation. The chapter highlights what is both similar and distinctive about Australian parties in comparative perspective, explores the influence of ideas from other political systems, and reflects on how Australian political culture, institutions, and parties have evolved in symbiosis. It examines changes in the nature of the party system and within parties as organizations, and contemplates the future of political parties as actors in Australian politics. As political parties worldwide continue to face rising levels of public disaffection with formal political institutions and rapidly changing technologies, the evolutionary trajectory of parties in Australia is becoming increasingly complex.


1964 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon D. Epstein

Useful studies of Canadian political parties are available, and doubtless others will be soon. I am not trying to add another specifically Canadian study nor even to contribute new information helpful in understanding Canada. Instead I want to use what is known about Canadian parties in order to change the comparative perspective in which we ordinarily view American parties. More particularly I am attempting to put in a new light the well-worn view of the uncohesive and nonresponsible character of American parties in contrast to British parties. The Canadian party system, itself so often described as an Anglo-American hybrid, may help explain why American parties differ from Britain's.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 575-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alvaro Moisés

The 1989 presidential elections confirmed the thesis that Brazilian voters use their ballots as weapons to express their dissatisfaction with the performance of their governments and, in particular, with the incumbents' ability to cope with the serious economic difficulties that have plagued Brazil in recent decades. Nearly thirty years after the last free presidential elections, the ballots cast across Brazil and in all segments of the society reflected a heightened plebiscitary tendency, especially in the most developed regions of the nation, that is, in modern Brazil. Looking at recent political history, we can observe that this trend became generalised in the 1970s, with the crisis of the authoritarian regime. Faced with a two-party system (Arena and MDB) imposed by the ruling military, the electorate voiced its protest by voting against authoritarianism and, in principle, in favour of democracy. Now that the authoritarian regime is no longer there, democracy seeks its consolidation – but the voters continue voting against; that is, they continue to use their ballots to reject incumbent governments (the 1986 elections being the only exception). The big change, however, is that now, in addition to reproving administrations which they deem inadequate, the voters are also protesting against the backwardness and vices of traditional Brazilian politics and, more specifically, against the practices of corruption, favouritism, and privatism.


Author(s):  
Mildred A. Schwartz

Party movements are organizations that have attributes of both political parties and social movements. Like parties, they desire a voice in the decisions of legislative bodies. Like social movements, they challenge existing power and advocate change, often using non-institutionalized means for expressing their message. They appear in the space left open by the failure of existing political parties and social movements to adequately represent their interests and achieve their goals. They may become independent parties or work within existing parties. Party movements can be found in most political systems. Their impact is felt whenever they are able to introduce new issues onto the political agenda, force traditional political parties to take account of their grievances, or change the contours of the party system.


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