Some Structural and Sequential Aspects of the British Imperial Assemblages at Delhi:1877–1911

1990 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-578 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Trevithick

Three great Durbars, royal assemblages, were staged in Delhi by the Government of British India, in 1877, 1903, and 1911. These are particularly interesting as examples of explicitly political rituals, their purpose being to legitimate and popularize British rule in India. The rituals would therefore exemplify, for many social theorists, a form of political manipulation which employs symbolic action as an adjunct to raw force. Yet, while many anthropologists, at least, would reject, in favor of an analysis which addresses the political aspirations of ritual manipulators, any unreconstructed Durkheimian paradigm that would equate ritual acts with social consensus (Moore and Myerhoff, 1975:9), many would also reject, as Tambiah has, the notion that ritual, by nature, constitutes a ‘diabolical smokescreen.’ The more useful approach, in Tambiah's view, is that ritual is ‘an ideological and aesthetic social construction that is directly and recursively implicated in the expression, realization, and exercise of power.’ (Tambiah, 1979: 153)1 shall be working with a similar theoretical point of view and not, largely, with the opposed view that the ritual form is merely a strategy employed by manipulative agents to perpetuate, in Bloch's words, an ‘institutionalized hierarchy’ or ‘legitimate order of inequality.’ (Bloch, 1977:289)

2018 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 67-104
Author(s):  
Christian Dalenz

This paper deals with economic changes in the last 12 years in Bolivia under the presidency of Evo Morales. After a short introduction about the political landscape of the country, I will explain how Morales’ party, Movimiento al Socialismo, planned to change Bolivia’s economic model. Here I will rely on the works by former Bolivian Ministry of Economics and Public Finances, Luis Arce Catacora. Then I will show the improvements in social conditions of the Bolivian population during the Morales’ presidency, and I will relate them to the Cash Conditional Transfers adopted by the government, otherwise known as bonos. Finally, I will assess the intricate issue of economic and environmental sustainability of this model. My point of view is that since Bolivia will soon face less revenue from its gas exports, efforts in diversifying its economy will have to improve. At the same time, no major crisis should happen.


Author(s):  
Michael Sony ◽  
P. S. Aithal

Industry 4.0 is the digital transformation of the organization to meet the organizational goals and objectives. Industry 4.0 is making slow inroads in the Indian Engineering Industry. Therefore, there is a need for a study to understand the dynamics of the implementation in Indian Engineering Industry from a theoretical point of view. This study uses the Institutional Theory and ResourceBased theory to analyse the implementation of Industry 4.0. "Coercive", "normative" and "mimetic" pressure is used to analyse the forces on firms to implement Industry 4.0. Resource-based view is further used to analyse how the "physical, human, organizational, technological, financial and reputational capital" can be used in Indian Engineering Industry to attain competitive advantage. The study also develops a model to understand the dynamics of Industry 4.0 implementation. This is the first study to analyse the dynamics of Industry 4.0 implementation in Indian Engineering Industry. It will help the academicians to enrich the theoretical base of Industry 4.0 implementation. The industry will benefit from this analysis to understand the decision-making process for the implementation of Industry 4.0. The study can be used by the Government to decide policies that formal, informal rules and policies will help the Industries to implement Industry 4.0.


2015 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Jan Petrov

The Czech Constitutional Court has gained a strong position within the political system. This article examines the judicial review of legislation from the point of view of the relation between the court and the parliament. The authors analyze trends in the use of petitions proposing the annulment of statutes, who makes use of the petitions, how successful the petitioners are, and what issues the petitions concern. The article pairs a quantitative view with a qualitative analysis of key selected decisions by the court, especially in the sphere of mega-politics. The authors test whether judicial review of legislation serves as a tool for parliamentary opposition. The results show the decisive effects of a legislative majority in the lower house of the parliament. If the government lacks a majority, the use of judicial review of legislation as an oppositional tool fades. Also important is the weakness of the upper house, which makes senators more likely to resort to using judicial review of legislation. An especially crucial factor is the presence of independent and semi-independent senators who, without broader political backing, see judicial review of legislation as a welcome tool. The most frequent topics of the petitions were transitional justice, social policy, and the legislative process.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-46
Author(s):  
Bhakti Satrio Wicaksono

This article aims to find out what happened to digital democracy regarding the Dildo account case. This research uses descriptive qualitative research research methods. The type of observation method used is the non-participation observation method. The non-participant observation method is the method that researchers chose in conducting this research. The results of the study show that the view of digital democracy can be seen from two perspectives, namely the government and the people's point of view. Political parody basically offers a new way of engaging in the political world. The Dildo case shows that not everyone can freely express their opinion on social media. The freedom to voice opinions, especially through cyberspace, still cannot be said to be free. This can be seen with how when the Dildo account voices humor and national issues that are close to the public, it still gets contra opinions from other parties. The conclusion of the research is that political parody basically offers a new way of engaging in the political world. Dildo case shows that not everyone can freely express their opinion in social media. The existence of internet technology in terms of statehood can be a double-edged knife, especially on social media where information is spread so fast. Parody or current humor is treated wisely and is not necessarily considered a dangerous thing.


Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal

The British evolved an elaborate administrative structure to ensure peace and order for exploiting the material and human resources of the Punjab. The new means of communication and transportation based on western technology served their economic, political, and administrative purposes. A new system of education was introduced chiefly to produce personnel for the middle and lower rungs of administration. The Christian missionaries were closely aligned with the administrators in this project, primarily for gaining converts to Christianity. The socio-economic change brought about by the colonial rule led to a number of movements for socio-religious reform, followed by a new kind of political awakening in the Punjab as in the rest of British India. The political aspirations of Indians were met only partially by the Government of India Act, 1919.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-131
Author(s):  
Gautam Kumar Bhagat

The gauge policy of the British government, from the very beginning of the construction of railways in India to the end of British rule, was a much more controversial issue. The higher authority of the government always considered the matter from an economic point of view and did not give any importance to the convenience and comfort of the passengers as well as of the serious evils of the break of gauge. It was assumed that the inconvenience of a break of gauge was confined to the actual handling change of transshipment, the amount being equivalent to a few miles of extra haulage. But the main evil of the break of gauge was much graver. When an all India gauge policy was needed to solve the aforesaid problems, the colonial government did nothing in this direction and consciously showed indifference regarding the haphazard policy of gauge.


1980 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Southard

The nationalist rhetoric of Aurobindo Ghosh and other leaders of the political movement protesting the decision of the Government of British India to partition Bengal province in 1905 contained frequent allusions to Hindu myths and symbols. Militant political leaders primarily drew upon Śakta symbolism, especially the imagery of the Hindu cult of Kālī worship, and they adopted philosophical justifications of nationalism which were based on modernist, Neo-Hindu interpretation of Śaṁkara's Vedānta philosophy. The nation was described as an incarnation of the goddess Kālī, and nationalists were considered her devotees.


2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Pascal Daloz

AbstractThis article introduces the special issue on “The Distinction of Social and Political Elites.” It aims to provide some analytical reflections about the usefulness and limits of classical models of interpretation when confronted with empirical realities in very different societies. Although the separation between the societal and the political spheres is not always very clear, it is argued that the differentiation between the two corresponding types of elite is often significant from a theoretical point of view. Indeed, the symbolic superiority of political elites is frequently raised in rather specific terms because of the nature of their role as representatives.


Author(s):  
D G Mihailichenko ◽  
E V Sobolev

The article focuses on peculiarities of the political culture of habitants of middle and big cities in the Republic of Bashkortostan. Economic distinctions of the region, its multyethnicity and religious diversity allows to apply conclusions on the state as a whole. Based on sociological data and historical analysis the authors revealed the genesis of the subjective type of political culture in the middle and big cities of the Republic of Bashkortostan. The authors also examine such peculiarities of the culture of townsmen as low protest potential, political indifference, alienating type of behavior, absence of critical attitude to information. The authors analyze the principal problems that city’s habitants faced in the conditions of economic and political transformation and how the subjective type of culture impedes to resolve these problems in a positive way. Such problems of the cities are pointed out as deindustrialization, depopulation, the ageing of the population and decline in living standards. Despite the worsening economic and social situation of residents of the big and average cities of Bashkortostan, growth of protest moods among them it is not observed, and most of citizens as show data of sociological polls, keep loyalty to the government at the regional and federal level. The authors' point of view is that the type of the political culture of the habitants causes the loyalty. In the conclusion, the authors show the perspective of the cities, the contradiction in state policy that initiates the civic engagement on the one hand but demands on the political loyalty on the other hand.


Media Trend ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 299
Author(s):  
Rifa'i Afin

<p>This paper concerned with the empirical study about tax competition among regions which in a theoretical point of view, tax competition is seen as an economic policy strategy to attract mobile tax bases and firms in order to boost economic development in terms of employment and output growth within the political jurisdiction implementing it. Using a panel of more 400 observed district and municipal inEast Java. It provides empirical evidence on how the local tax as well as the retribution in the neighborhood affect the local tax. The results support the existence of fiscal externalities: an increase in the tax and retribution of local neighbors exerts a positive effect on the local tax which is shown by spatial weighting variable both tax and retribution. Several factors that are hypothesized affect local tax also significant to determine local tax, these factors such as original regional income, and regional domestic product as a proxy of income.</p><p> </p>


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