The Colonial Context

Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal

The British evolved an elaborate administrative structure to ensure peace and order for exploiting the material and human resources of the Punjab. The new means of communication and transportation based on western technology served their economic, political, and administrative purposes. A new system of education was introduced chiefly to produce personnel for the middle and lower rungs of administration. The Christian missionaries were closely aligned with the administrators in this project, primarily for gaining converts to Christianity. The socio-economic change brought about by the colonial rule led to a number of movements for socio-religious reform, followed by a new kind of political awakening in the Punjab as in the rest of British India. The political aspirations of Indians were met only partially by the Government of India Act, 1919.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Rajbir Singh Judge

Abstract This article rethinks how we understand religious reform under colonial rule by examining Maharaja Duleep Singh, the deposed ruler of the Sikh empire, and how the Singh Sabha, a Sikh reform movement, debated, deployed, and organized around him in the late nineteenth century. I demonstrate how religious reform was a site of intense conflict that reveals the processes of argumentation within the contours of a tradition, even as the colonial state sought to continually mediate the terms. Embedded within a frame of inquiry provided by the Sikh tradition, the contestations that constituted reform within the tradition remained intimately tied in with the question of sovereignty. Ranjit Singh's empire in Panjab had only been annexed 30 years earlier in 1849 and remained a central reference point for thinking about the political at the turn of the century. These debates surrounding Duleep Singh, therefore, disclose the contentious engagements within a tradition that cannot be reduced to binary designations such as colonial construct/indigenous inheritance or religious/political.


1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. R. Turton

This article investigates the relationship between different phases of Somali political activity in Kenya. A clear contrast emerges between the focus, the aims and the methods adopted by the Somali pastoralists along the northern frontier and those adopted by the Isaq and Herti Somali traders in Nairobi and Isiolo. The attitude of the former towards the Colonial Government was essentially negative. Yet, while they tended to be resisterspar excellenceand fought against the Government on a large number of occasions between 1893 and 1916, this article shows that their resistance was much more limited than has generally been supposed and that they were never united on a clan basis in their resistance. In fact intra-clan rivalries seriously undermined the effectiveness of their activities Moreover, certain weaker Somali segments actively cooperated with the Government in order to obtain military and political support for their positions which were threatened by stronger groups.On the other hand, Isaq and Herti traders attempted to manipulate the political institution in order to obtain additional privileges within the system. Their agitation had positive goals, for they campaigned to gain Asiatic status. They put pressure on the central organs of Government and hired lawyers to plead their case. They wrote numerous petitions and memorials to governors of the colony, to Secretaries of State and even to two British kings. They formed well-organized political associations and had contacts in British Somaliland and England. Yet, by a curious irony, it seems that the Somali Exemption Ordinance of 1919, which represented the closest they came to achieving non-native status, was not passed as a result of their campaigns. In fact, their later agitation achieved nothing; it seems to have represented a futile effort to counter the gradual erosion of privileges obtained at an earlier date.One of the main characteristics of the Isaq and Herti agitation was its essentially sectarian character. In fighting to obtain Asiatic status they emphasized traits that isolated them from other Somali groups, and they even ended by denying that they were Somali. As such, there was a considerable disparity between their aims and those of the Somali Youth League which emerged in 1946 as the main vehicle of mass Somali nationalism, uniting the Somali pastoralists and traders in one group.


1980 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Southard

The nationalist rhetoric of Aurobindo Ghosh and other leaders of the political movement protesting the decision of the Government of British India to partition Bengal province in 1905 contained frequent allusions to Hindu myths and symbols. Militant political leaders primarily drew upon Śakta symbolism, especially the imagery of the Hindu cult of Kālī worship, and they adopted philosophical justifications of nationalism which were based on modernist, Neo-Hindu interpretation of Śaṁkara's Vedānta philosophy. The nation was described as an incarnation of the goddess Kālī, and nationalists were considered her devotees.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
Basri Effendi ◽  
Sufyan Sufyan

Penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisis capaian program legislasi daerah dari aspek politik hukum. Program tersebut dilaksanakan setiap tahun lembaga eksekutif dan legislatif sebagai bentuk legal policy dalam menyusun suatu program, yang mana setiap program tersebut membutuhkan landasan hukum yang konstitusional. Hal ini juga menjadi salah satu indikator tercapainya good governance dalam penyelenggaraan pemerintahan daerah. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian yuridis empiris dan análisis data kualitatif, penelitian ini menemukan bahwa tingkat keberhasilan pembahasan Program legislasi daerah di Aceh hanya 24,66% per/tahun. Ada pelbagai kendala yang menghambat pelaksanaan program legislasi daerah di Aceh, diantaranya adalah anggaran yang minim, political will yang tidak kuat, terbatasnya sumber daya manusia dengan waktu yang tersedia, serta tidak realistisnya antara jumlah qanun usulan Prolegda dengan kemampuan penyelesaian. Pemerintah dan DPR harus lebih realistis dalam menetapkan jumlah target legislasi daerah tiap tahun.  Achievement of Aceh Legislation Programs This study aims to analyze the achievements of the regional legislative program from the political law aspects. The program is carried out annually by the executive and legislative bodies as a form of legal policy in developing a program where each of which requires a constitutional legal basis. This is also one indicator of the achievement of good governance in the administration of regional government. Using empirical juridical research methods and qualitative data analysis, this study found that the success rate of discussion of the regional legislative program in Aceh was only 24.66% per year. There are various obstacles that hamper the implementation of the regional legislation program in Aceh, including a minimal budget, insufficient political will, limited human resources and time, and an unrealistic number of Prolegda's proposed qanuns and the ability to resolve the proposal. The government and Parliament should be more realistic in setting the target number of regional legislation each year.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 67-72
Author(s):  
Aswad Muhdar

Freedom of autonomy in the village there is political space provided by the government through political institutions, political institutions become a channel of communication, in conveying the will and aspirations of the village community in political life. However, political institutions are also limited to those who are considered to have an interest, while in reality political participation is that a large part of the community must take part in the process of political maturation. So the only way to provide understanding and insight for the community in the village is through an understanding of the influence of politics in people's lives. This type of research uses descriptive qualitative methods using data collection techniques through observation, interviews, and documentation. Based on the results of the study, it can be concluded: That the analysis of political influence on people's lives in Yeflio village, Mayamuk District, Sorong Regency still needs to increase political influence and socialization of the community about the purpose of holding politics so that the Yeflio village community, Mayamuk District, Sorong Regency can accept their candidates without anarchy. because the other candidates failed in the competition, the need to increase human resources by providing delivery of learning assignments, training and courses. In accordance with what is expected by the community, which has not achieved optimal results because the political influence of human resources is still lacking and needs to be improved again.


Author(s):  
Marina V. Bakanova ◽  

Despite the fact that Pakistan is considered a traditionally conservative Muslim country, it is also characterized by a feminist movement. Women’s activity in the political, economic and other spheres of society began in the period of British India and continued in an independent country. Prominent political figures took part in the struggle for women’s rights, and feminist organizations were created. At the same time, feminism of that period can be viewed as an elite phenomenon, accessible only to the upper class of society. During the Afghan War, feminist organizations entered into sharp confrontation with the government. In the 21st century, the activation of Pakistani feminists has reached its maximum and continues to increase, but with certain difficulties. Currently, the country is represented by classical European feminism (which is subject to decomposition to a certain extent), the Nisaism movement (they seek the rights for women in accordance with Islam) and individual activists. Potentially feminism in Pakistan has great chances for the development and elimination of the chauvinist norms of the country’s civil and criminal law, what will certainly give an impetus to new phenomena in the development of the future Pakistani society.


Author(s):  
Sharifah Sara Hasliza Syed Hamid ◽  
Elmira Akhmetova

This paper analyses the process of independence in Sabah and the consequent Islamisation of its population, which caused the amendment of the State Constitution in 1973. The first part of the paper states that the unification of Sabah with Malaya into the Federation of Malaysia guaranteed its independence from the British colonial rule as well as saved it from the communist threat. The next part of the paper suggests that the Islamisation activities were highly associated with the political needs of the government where the Muslim political leaders strived for increasing the number of their supporters in order to maintain their seats as the ruling government in Sabah. Thus, the paper finds the strong relationship between Islam and politics in modern nation-states, and concludes that the rapid growth of the number of Muslims in Sabah later created the quality problem as their religious education was not seen as the priority by the ruling government. Keywords: Malaysia, Constitution, Islam in Sabah, Independence of Malaya, Islam and Politics, Federation of Malaysia. Abstrak Makalah ini menganalisis sejarah kemerdekaan di Sabah dan proses Islamisasi penduduknya yang menyebabkan pindaan Perlembagaan Negeri pada tahun 1973. Bahagian pertama makalah ini menyatakan bahawa penyatuan Sabah dengan Tanah Melayu ke Persekutuan Malaysia menjaminkan kebebasannya dari penjajahan British serta menyelamatkannya dari ancaman komunis. Bahagian seterusnya menunjukkan bahawa aktiviti pengislaman sangat dikaitkan dengan keperluan politik kerajaan di mana pemimpin politik yang Muslim berusaha meningkatkan jumlah penyokong mereka untuk mengekalkan kerusi mereka sebagai pemerintah di Sabah. Oleh itu, makalah ini mendapati hubungan kuat antara Islam dan politik di negara-negara moden, dan menyimpulkan bahawa pertumbuhan pesat bilangan umat Islam di Sabah kemudiannya menimbulkan masalah kualiti kerana pendidikan agama mereka tidak dilihat sebagai keutamaan oleh kerajaan pemerintah.   Kata Kunci: Malaysia, Perlembagaan, Islam di Sabah, Kemerdekaan Malaya, Islam dan Politik, Persekutuan Malaysia.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Dwi Adi Wicaksono

This article discusses the efforts of the decolonization of civil aviation by the Government of Indonesia from 1950 to 1958 through the nationalization of Garuda Indonesia joint venture airlines. The discussion of this article focuses on the explanation of the process of nationalization and its impact on the developmentof the airline. During this period, the nationalization efforts against Garuda Indonesia Airlines tended to be heavily influenced by the political policies of the two ruling Cabinet, that is Masyumi and PNI. This shows a great political tendency to the nationalization agenda of the civil aviation company. The nationalization ofGaruda Indonesia tends to exhibit a complex set of processes, because in addition to the transfer of government share ownership, the takeover of this company also requires a long process to get the human resources ready to operate the airline as a whole. At this stage, Indonesianization is of the utmost importance in the nationalization process of Garuda Indonesia.


1990 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 561-578 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Trevithick

Three great Durbars, royal assemblages, were staged in Delhi by the Government of British India, in 1877, 1903, and 1911. These are particularly interesting as examples of explicitly political rituals, their purpose being to legitimate and popularize British rule in India. The rituals would therefore exemplify, for many social theorists, a form of political manipulation which employs symbolic action as an adjunct to raw force. Yet, while many anthropologists, at least, would reject, in favor of an analysis which addresses the political aspirations of ritual manipulators, any unreconstructed Durkheimian paradigm that would equate ritual acts with social consensus (Moore and Myerhoff, 1975:9), many would also reject, as Tambiah has, the notion that ritual, by nature, constitutes a ‘diabolical smokescreen.’ The more useful approach, in Tambiah's view, is that ritual is ‘an ideological and aesthetic social construction that is directly and recursively implicated in the expression, realization, and exercise of power.’ (Tambiah, 1979: 153)1 shall be working with a similar theoretical point of view and not, largely, with the opposed view that the ritual form is merely a strategy employed by manipulative agents to perpetuate, in Bloch's words, an ‘institutionalized hierarchy’ or ‘legitimate order of inequality.’ (Bloch, 1977:289)


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Abdul Haris Nasution ◽  
Bayu Satria

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui berbagai kegiatan di Labuhan Deli sebagai pusat pemerintahan Kesultanan Deli dan apa penyebab terjadi perpindahan pusat pemerintahan yang dilakukan Kesultanan Deli. Teknik pengumpulan data  penelitian ini melalui study pustaka, wawancara dan observasi. Dari hasil penelitian proses perpindahan pusat pemerintahan diawali dengan mempersiapkan kawasan baru, secara kewilayahan Labuhan Deli mampu memberikan kontribusi dalam menjalankan pemerintahan baik itu sumber daya alam maupun sumber daya manusia yang ada. Tuanku Panglima Pasutan yang berinisiatif memindahkan pusat pemerintahan pada tahun 1728, penyebab utama perpindahan pusat pemerintahan Kesultanan Deli adalah faktor ekonomi dan faktor politik, hal tersebut dikarenakan pada saat itu keramaian Selat Malaka mampu memberikan keuntungan jika pusat pemerintahan lebih dekat dengan pesisir pantai dan berperan sebagai pintu gerbang tol transportasi yang melalui jalur sungai Deli sedangkan faktor politiknya untuk mempermudah  mengawasi kasawan taklukan Deli, pembangunan sarana pusat pemerintahan, seperti Istana, Masjid, dan Dermaga. This study aims to find out various activities in Labuhan Deli as the central government of Deli Sultanate and what causes the transfer of government center conducted Deli Sultanate. Technique of collecting data of this research through literature study, interview and observation. From the results of the research process of moving the center of government begins by preparing new areas, in the territory Labuhan Deli able to contribute in running the government be it natural resources and human resources available. Tuanku Panglima Pasutan who took the initiative to move the central government in 1728, the main cause of the transfer of the central government of Deli Sultanate is the factor of economic and political factors, it is because at that time the crowds of the Strait of Malacca can provide benefits if the center of government closer to the coast and acts as a door gate of transportation toll through Deli river while the political factor to facilitate overseeing Deli delinquent kasangan, development of central government facilities, such as the Palace, Mosque, and Dock.


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