Why Did Indian Big Business Pursue a Policy of Economic Nationalism in the Interwar Years? A New Window to an Old Debate

2009 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 979-1038 ◽  
Author(s):  
MANALI CHAKRABARTI

AbstractIndian big business campaigned for economically nationalistic policies during the interwar period. Existing scholarship is sharply divided as to the reason for the same. One group of scholars claim that Indian big business as a class rose above its economic interests and actively joined and even led the anti-imperial nationalist movement during the period. The other group contests the above view and proposes that Indian big business was guided by business interests while rallying for economic nationalism. Significantly the interwar period is also marked by a growing antagonism between Indian big business and European commercial class apparently on racial lines, and they held diametrically opposite positions on most issues of commercial relevance. This development is cited as evidence in support of the former view. In this paper I present data of the European business collective of Kanpur, that exhibited almost identical positions as Indian big business, on several significant economic and political issues during the interwar period. From a detailed analysis of the nature of this collective (that had interests in cotton textiles, leather and sugar, amongst others) I have tried to re-configure the debate on the character of Indian big business during the interwar period.

2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-177
Author(s):  
Chiara Briganti ◽  
Kathy Mezei

During the interwar period, the artistic endeavour of the female interior decorator was dismissed as old-fashioned, nostalgic, and, tainted by its association with commerce; it was excluded from the rarefied circle of the higher arts of painting and sculpture and architecture; in the novels and plays of middlebrow authors of the same period, on the other hand, the female interior decorator, mocked for her edgy modernity, became a disturbing icon of urban modernity and a controversial advocate for new designs in living. This essay proposes to demonstrate how the representation in fiction and drama of the interwar period of the female interior decorator, a magnet for anxieties about changing gender roles, class distinctions, sexuality and sexual ambiguity and the ‘sanctity’ of the home, complicates the complexity and mutability of the middlebrow and its fraught relationship with modernism.


Author(s):  
Linford D. Fisher

Although racial lines eventually hardened on both sides, in the opening decades of colonization European and native ideas about differences between themselves and the other were fluid and dynamic, changing on the ground in response to local developments and experiences. Over time, perceived differences were understood to be rooted in more than just environment and culture. In the eighteenth century, bodily differences became the basis for a wider range of deeper, more innate distinctions that, by the nineteenth century, hardened into what we might now understand to be racialized differences in the modern sense. Despite several centuries of dispossession, disease, warfare, and enslavement at the hands of Europeans, native peoples in the Americans almost universally believed the opposite to be true. The more indigenous Americans were exposed to Europeans, the more they believed in the vitality and superiority of their own cultures.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002198942098111
Author(s):  
Silvia Julia Caporale-Bizzini

This article examines Canadian author Shaughnessy Bishop-Stall’s 2004 memoir Down to This: Squalor and Splendour in a Big-City Shantytown through the notions of marginalia and the ordinary in order to question dichotomic representations of homelessness. It explores how the author moves beyond binaries, interrogating the dichotomy ordinary/out of the ordinary lives by narrating his ethical encounter with the other (Butler, 2004). The text is written as a journal where Bishop-Stall describes his personal journey through homelessness; and more importantly, it gives a voice to the other down-and-out people in notorious Toronto’s Tent City. The characters’ unreliable and fragmented storytelling uncovers the lives of the faceless others. I contend that in Down to This individuals’ life stories are connected to realities which question binaries through the re/mapping of ordinary experiences and affects; they disintegrate the opposition materiality vs abstraction, or as I argue, exclusion vs inclusion (out of the ordinary/ordinary). Down to These bridges the private details of the residents’ life stories, and the public perception of the problem of homelessness, illustrating how everyday moments of precarity intersect with wider political issues. In the process, the narrative also questions the binary attitudes of exclusion (disfranchisement) and inclusion (privilege). This literary strategy gives the constellation of stories a profound illuminating vision of the human condition. I show my point by drawing on the of marginalia (Kistner 2014), and by analysing the characters’ narratives of precariousness through the notions of editing and affective assemblage (Gerlach, 2015; Hamilakis, 2017).


1997 ◽  
Vol 91 (2) ◽  
pp. 268-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Schoenbaum

Before 1991, the relationship between the protection of the environment and international trade was an arcane specialty that attracted little attention. In 1971 the GATT Council established a Working Group on Environmental Measures and International Trade. This group did not even meet for over twenty years.Everything changed with the decision in the Tuna/Dolphin I case, in which a GATT dispute resolution panel declared a United States embargo on tuna caught by fishing methods causing high dolphin mortality to be illegal. The Tuna/Dolphin I decision produced an explosion of rhetoric in both learned journals and the popular press. It was also a very interesting clash of very different “cultures,” trade specialists versus environmentalists. At die outset, neither group knew much about the other. Now, however, the legal and political issues have been identified and ventilated, mutual understanding has increased, and the process has begun to reconcile two values that are absolutely essential to the well-being of mankind: protection of the environment and international free trade.


Author(s):  
Ian Smith

In addition to cosmetic applications for early modern ‘blackface’ theatrical representation, the essay posits that performers used a variety of racial prostheses, most notably cloth and animal skins. In The Merchant of Venice, Morocco’s description of his own body as ‘shadowed livery’—that is, dyed cloth worn by a servant or apprentice—reveals a complex metatheatrical consciousness indebted to this prosthetic blackface tradition. Morocco’s identification with livery connects specifically to Lancelot, the other liveried character in the play whose servant uniform contextualizes Morocco’s corporal blackness as a sign of membership in a social underclass. The play’s mercantile ethos, reflecting John Wheeler’s assessment from A Treatise of Commerce that pervasive economic interests bring ‘all things into commerce’, creates the conditions for category violations: people are perceived as commodities, and none more insidiously than Morocco, the textile black man, read, in turn, as a powerful antecedent for post-Enlightenment constructions of race.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-1
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Bień

<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> A cartographic map of Gdańsk in the years of 1918&amp;ndash;1939 was very different from the other maps of Polish cities. The reasons for some differences were, among others, the proximity of the sea, the multicultural mindset of the inhabitants of Gdańsk from that period, and some historical events in the interwar period (the founding of the Free City of Gdańsk and the events preceding World War II). Its uniqueness came from the fact that the city of Gdańsk combined the styles of Prussian and Polish housing, as well as form the fact that its inhabitants felt the need for autonomy from the Second Polish Republic. The city aspired to be politically, socially and economically independent.</p><p>The aim of my presentation is to analyze the cartographic maps of Gdańsk, including the changes that had been made in the years of 1918&amp;ndash;1939. I will also comment on the reasons of those changes, on their socio-historical effects on the city, the whole country and Europe.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (11) ◽  
pp. 435
Author(s):  
Witold Klaus

The COVID-19 pandemic has severely restricted global movement, thus affecting migration processes and immigrants themselves. The paper focuses on the evaluation of bordering procedures and practices introduced by the Polish government in the time of the pandemic. The aim is to highlight the duality in the admission processes at Polish borders between labour and forced migrants, which have been driven, as I argue, by economic interests and the xenophobic attitudes of the government. The paper is based on interviews with experts assisting migrants during the pandemic in Poland, whose direct contact with thousands of clients has allowed them to acquire broad knowledge of how the new legal provisions have affected different groups of immigrants. The data confirms that the Polish border is very porous. It has been almost completely closed to asylum seekers, especially those fleeing from Muslim countries, for whom the only option is to cross the border illegally. Only one exception was made for Belarusians, who were cordially welcomed at the border while escaping persecution in their home country in the wake of their protests against Lukashenko’s regime. Economic migrants, on the other hand, exist on the other side of the spectrum. For immigrant workers, borders have remained open throughout the whole pandemic. Moreover, some further measures facilitating their arrival were introduced, such as de facto lifting of quarantine for seasonal farm workers.


2014 ◽  
pp. 88-105
Author(s):  
Michał Jarnecki ◽  
Mykoła Palinczak

The issues and religious disputes in Carpathian Ruthenia in Czechoslovak period and its echoes behind the AtlanticIn Subcarpathian Ruthenia in the interwar period – during her membership in Czechoslovakia, one of the sharper conflict was a dispute between two Christian churches. In fact, the rivalry of the two churches began even earlier, during the Hungarian reign – before 1918, but broke out with the new intensity in the interwar period. The Czech authorities, retained neutrality in the confessional disputes, unlike its predecessors, favoring the units. The dispute also had political significance – namely in the conflict between national orientations: Russophile and Ukrainian. Both churches were not monoliths and shook them as internal tensions, including politically motivated ones. Religious conflicts had also their roots and echoes on the other side of the Atlantic. Part of the Greek-Catholic immigrants Transcarpathian did not want to submit to the American Catholic hierarchy, who failed to see the specifics of this group of emigrants. During the period between the Uniate Church recorded outflow faithful to the Orthodox Church, by almost 5% (from nearly 55% to 50.2%) and Orthodox increase by approximately the same proportion – over 15% of the population. Kwestie i spory religijne na terenie Rusi Zakarpackiej w czechosłowackim epizodzie jej dziejówNa Rusi Zakarpackiej w okresie międzywojennym, podczas jej przynależności do Czechosłowacji, jednym z ostrzejszych konfliktów był spór pomiędzy dwoma chrześcijańskimi Kościołami. Faktycznie rywalizacja dwóch Kościołów zaczęła się wcześniej, za rządów węgierskich – przed 1918 rokiem, ale rozgorzała z nową intensywnością w okresie międzywojennym, kiedy władze czeskie, zachowywały neutralność w tych konfesyjnych sporach, w przeciwieństwie od poprzedników, faworyzujących unitów. Spór miał także aspekt polityczny – ocierając się o konflikt między orientacjami narodowymi: ukraińską i rosyjską. Oba Kościoły nie były monolitami i wstrząsały nimi także wewnętrzne napięcia, w tym na tle politycznym. Konflikty na tle religijnym miały też swoje zaoceaniczne korzenie i echa, gdzie część grekokatolickich emigrantów zakarpackich nie chciała się podporządkować amerykańskiej hierarchii katolickiej, nie dostrzegającej specyfiki tej grupy wychodźców. Podczas okresu międzywojennego Kościół unicki odnotował odpływ wiernych na rzecz prawosławia, o prawie 5% (z prawie 55 do 50,2%), a Cerkiew Prawosławna przyrost o mniej więcej o ten sam odsetek – do ponad 15% mieszkańców.


2019 ◽  
pp. 12-33
Author(s):  
Heba Raouf Ezzat

A phenomenon of extreme polarization between the Islamist and the secular camps characterizes the intellectual scene regarding social, economic, and political issues in the Arab-Islamic world. This is especially true with respect to women’s issues, which are a very hotly contested terrain. Understanding this reality clearly requires a historic overview to comprehend how this polarization occurred and map the debate between supporters of “modernity and contemporality” (al-hadatha wa-l-mu‘asara) on the one hand, and supporters of “tradition and authenticity” (al-turath wal-asala) on the other. Though this is not at the heart of our research, framing it in its historical context enables us to better understand the roots and origins of the problem, in order to map the debates and foresee future courses more clearly.


1995 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 79-93
Author(s):  
Terri Susan Fine

In this paper, the role that economic groups play in attempting to shape party platforms is examined by analyzing economic group presence at the 1988 and 1992 Democratic and Republican platform writing hearings. Whether the same economic groups participating as witnesses in the platform writing hearings also contributed to the presidential campaigns is also explored. The findings suggest that economic interest group participation varied widely between 1988 and 1992 and declined across years. Trade associations dominated economic group participation whereas labor unions did not take an active role. Business interests showed a strong preference for the Republicans in 1988 and reasonably equal interest in both parties the following year. The participatory decline among these groups may be explained by a growing perception that platforms are less effective as campaign guides and policy tools in an era dominated by candidate centered elections, split ticket voting and increasing independent identification, all indicators of decreasing reliance on the parties at the mass and elite levels.


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