scholarly journals THE ARCTIC CALLS – FINLAND, THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE ARCTIC REGION. Markku Heikkilä and Marjo Laukkanen. 2013. Helsinki: Europe Information/Finnish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. 94 p, softcover, illustrated. ISBN 978-952-281-065-6. Free of Charge

Polar Record ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikolas Sellheim
2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 380-402
Author(s):  
Natalie Dobson ◽  
Seline Trevisanut

Abstract The effects of global warming in the Arctic region present a particular challenge for the European Union (EU), which seeks to profile itself as a leader in responding to climate change. Although the EU strives to prioritize climate protection, the Arctic region remains one of the EU’s major suppliers of energy, particularly oil and gas. The EU must thus strike a balance between climate change mitigation and adaptation, and energy security. The present article analyses the developments of the EU position in this field, particularly in light of the COP 21 negotiations, and the more recent 2016 Integrated European Union Policy for the Arctic. In doing so it seeks to explore to what extent the EU truly is fulfilling its own leadership aspirations in the field of climate change and energy in the Arctic.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 64-68
Author(s):  
Mihaela BUŞE

  The Arctic region, on one hand, an area situated so far from the European Union and, on the other hand, an environment so hostile to life, is în the spotlight of the world's powers. The resources, so necessary for the nations, ‒ the riches în the depths of the soil and în the ocean ‒, the potential of tourism and the importance of shorter transport routes aroused the interest of some actors în the region. The European Union has developed a policy for the Arctic region. Are the European Union՚s concerns strictly related to security and the economy or is there a much wider horizon of goals to be achieved?   Keywords: The Arctic region; European Union; globalization; climate change; threat; international security.  


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cécile Pelaudeix

Initiated in 2008, the EU’S Arctic policy acknowledges the evolving geo-strategy of the Arctic region and intends to secure the EU’S trade and resource interests as new actors like China enter the Arctic arena. This paper shows that China’s growing assertiveness in the Arctic has impacted upon both EU Arctic policy and EU foreign policy. The new China’s trade interests in the Arctic, in particular the sensitive issue of rare earth elements, have triggered various moves in the EU in terms of trade and cooperation policies. The use of international law gives the EU some leeway to manage legal tensions with China which may still remain in some sectors, and which may also arise in connection with China’s legitimate aspirations in terms of becoming a rule maker as well. On an institutional level, engaging in an ambitious agenda with China also proves that the European External Action Service has gained in efficiency and internal coherence. Finally, this article also shows that the increasing connection of the EU’S Arctic policy with major bilateral relations calls for strengthened EU diplomatic attention in order to respect the principles guiding the EU’S action on the international scene as stated in the Treaty of the European Union, and to avoid a Eurocentric attitude that could undermine the ability of the EU to be a global actor. EU-China cooperation on Arctic issues certainly relies on a strong potential for cooperation, but it also represents additional challenges for the integrated EU Arctic policy that is expected by the end of 2015.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
I. S. Doroshenko

The People’s Republic of China is increasing its influence around the world every day. It’s hard not to notice the aggressive economic expansion being carried out by China in the Asian region. Chinese presence is felt in Africa, South America and even in Europe. By engaging in a trade war with the United States, China thereby challenged the most influential economy in the world, which is confirmed by its ambitions as a world leader. To meet these ambitions, a powerful transport and logistics support is necessary, which gave rise to the “Belts and Ways” initiative. The initiative “One Belt - One Road” combines two projects: “The Economic Belt of the Silk Road” and “The Sea Silk Road of the XXI Century”. This means that, in addition to the traditional land routes of the Silk Road, Beijing is exploring the sea routes along the African continent and in the Pacific Ocean. Since the initiative does not have a clear strategy, the northern routes that have recently become relevant are also considered by the Chinese authorities.The search for an alternative to the Suez Canal has repeatedly prompted researchers to use the Northern Sea Route as a trading artery linking Europe and Asia, but climatic conditions and technical capabilities did not allow this idea to be realized. The current situation in the Arctic region allows us to talk about new development prospects.China is actively interested in the Arctic: since 2013, it has an observer status in the Arctic Council, has been increasing its presence in the region by organizing scientific expeditions, building icebreakers, introducing its own brand “Northern Silk Road”, and also investing in projects like “Yamal LNG». China outlined its presence in the Arctic region in a white paper published in January 2018. One of the main goals that Beijing sets for itself is multilateral cooperation in the development of the Northern Sea Route.The author of the article analyzes the origins of such interest, as well as possible threats to Russia. The study also examines the position of European partners in the participation of the development of the SMP, bilateral relations with the Chinese side and the ratio of the strategy of the European Union, China and Russia in the High North. The author gives a geopolitical rationale for Chinese initiatives that are aimed at creating the conditions for intensive navigation in the northern areas.


Author(s):  
Andrei Andreevich Kovalev

The goal of this research consists in examination of current defense policy of Nordic countries associated with geopolitical activity in the Arctic, as well as the potential role of NATO and the European Union thereof. This goal is specified on the example of defense policy of Norway, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden and Finland. An overview is conducted on the role of defense policy of each state within the overall strategic picture of Nordic countries, as well as framework documents. Assessment is given to the defense plans of each aforementioned state. All Nordic countries along with Euro-Atlantic security institutions showed interest in the Arctic. Current risks in the area of security noticeably differ from those existed during the Cold war; each of the Nordic countries encourages the interested parties to responsible economic and political behavior. The article explores defense strategies of the countries that always belonged to the capitalist socioeconomic formation and had no socialist experience, although in the XX century, the island monarchies of Norway, Sweden and Denmark were able to implement most advanced accomplishments of social and technical thought and achieve extraordinary living standards and utmost level of social security for their citizens. Russia has vested interest in the Arctic region substantiated by the historical, cultural, geopolitical, and even pure geographical reasons. This justifies both, competition and cooperation with Nordic countries, which organically fit in the Western civilization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Aliyeva Incha

Since ancient times people have had access to the Arctic Circle, however, the last few decades have seen recent technological advancements that have allowed the area to be explored more comprehensively. This has created a significantly more complex picture than before as it has been called the new “Great Game.” With the rising interests of eight nations and other non-Arctic countries in the region, overlapping territorial claims have the potential to create new challenges. It is anticipated that increased interest will lead to an increase in the number of vessels transiting the region, despite harsh climate conditions. Meanwhile, the Arctic is experiencing environmental change that is inescapably leading to a new geopolitical reality. Authors, such as Jason Dittmer, have claimed that “The Arctic is evolving from a regional frozen backwater into a global hot issue.” This article discusses the colliding interests and current state of affairs of the three Arctic Council Asian observer countries, China, Japan, and South Korea, as well as those of two observer organizations, the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) and the European Union (EU). Sustainability is one of the major priorities of these countries, which has been reflected in their Arctic policies. The reason for examining China, Japan, and South Korea is that they are growing superpowers and industrialized countries with varying interests in regards to the Arctic region.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 74-79
Author(s):  
Nargiza Sodikova ◽  
◽  
◽  

Important aspects of French foreign policy and national interests in the modern time,France's position in international security and the specifics of foreign affairs with the United States and the European Union are revealed in this article


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 110-113
Author(s):  
V. A. Tupchienko ◽  
H. G. Imanova

The article deals with the problem of the development of the domestic nuclear icebreaker fleet in the context of the implementation of nuclear logistics in the Arctic. The paper analyzes the key achievements of the Russian nuclear industry, highlights the key areas of development of the nuclear sector in the Far North, and identifies aspects of the development of mechanisms to ensure access to energy on the basis of floating nuclear power units. It is found that Russia is currently a leader in the implementation of the nuclear aspect of foreign policy and in providing energy to the Arctic region.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (5) ◽  
pp. 480-489
Author(s):  
L. P. Golobokova ◽  
T. V. Khodzher ◽  
O. N. Izosimova ◽  
P. N. Zenkova ◽  
A. O. Pochyufarov ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Robert Schütze

The European Union was born as an international organization. The 1957 Treaty of Rome formed part of international law, although the European Court of Justice was eager to emphasize that the Union constitutes “a new legal order” of international law. With time, this new legal order has indeed evolved into a true “federation of States.” Yet how would the foreign affairs powers of this new supranational entity be divided? Would the European Union gradually replace the member states, or would it preserve their distinct and diverse foreign affairs voices? In the past sixty years, the Union has indeed significantly sharpened its foreign affairs powers. While still based on the idea that it has no plenary power, the Union’s external competences have expanded dramatically, and today it is hard to identify a nucleus of exclusive foreign affairs powers reserved for the member states. And in contrast to a classic international law perspective, the Union’s member states only enjoy limited treaty-making powers under European law. Their foreign affairs powers are limited by the exclusive powers of the Union, and they may be preempted through European legislation. There are, however, moments when both the Union and its states enjoy overlapping foreign affairs powers. For these situations, the Union legal order has devised a number of cooperative mechanisms to safeguard a degree of “unity” in the external actions of the Union. Mixed agreements constitute an international mechanism that brings the Union and the member states to the same negotiating table. The second constitutional device is internal to the Union legal order: the duty of cooperation.


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