China’s Interests in the Arctic and the EU’S Arctic Policy: Towards a Proactive EU Foreign Policy?

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 128-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cécile Pelaudeix

Initiated in 2008, the EU’S Arctic policy acknowledges the evolving geo-strategy of the Arctic region and intends to secure the EU’S trade and resource interests as new actors like China enter the Arctic arena. This paper shows that China’s growing assertiveness in the Arctic has impacted upon both EU Arctic policy and EU foreign policy. The new China’s trade interests in the Arctic, in particular the sensitive issue of rare earth elements, have triggered various moves in the EU in terms of trade and cooperation policies. The use of international law gives the EU some leeway to manage legal tensions with China which may still remain in some sectors, and which may also arise in connection with China’s legitimate aspirations in terms of becoming a rule maker as well. On an institutional level, engaging in an ambitious agenda with China also proves that the European External Action Service has gained in efficiency and internal coherence. Finally, this article also shows that the increasing connection of the EU’S Arctic policy with major bilateral relations calls for strengthened EU diplomatic attention in order to respect the principles guiding the EU’S action on the international scene as stated in the Treaty of the European Union, and to avoid a Eurocentric attitude that could undermine the ability of the EU to be a global actor. EU-China cooperation on Arctic issues certainly relies on a strong potential for cooperation, but it also represents additional challenges for the integrated EU Arctic policy that is expected by the end of 2015.

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 110-113
Author(s):  
V. A. Tupchienko ◽  
H. G. Imanova

The article deals with the problem of the development of the domestic nuclear icebreaker fleet in the context of the implementation of nuclear logistics in the Arctic. The paper analyzes the key achievements of the Russian nuclear industry, highlights the key areas of development of the nuclear sector in the Far North, and identifies aspects of the development of mechanisms to ensure access to energy on the basis of floating nuclear power units. It is found that Russia is currently a leader in the implementation of the nuclear aspect of foreign policy and in providing energy to the Arctic region.


2021 ◽  
pp. 43-59
Author(s):  
Tomasz Dubowski

In the discussion on the EU migration policy, it is impossible to evade the issue of the relation between this policy and the EU foreign policy, including EU common foreign and security policy. The subject of this study are selected links between migration issues and the CFSP of the European Union. The presented considerations aim to determine at what levels and in what ways the EU’s migration policy is taken into account in the space of the CFSP as a diplomatic and political (and subject to specific rules and procedures) substrate of the EU’s external action.


Politologija ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 94 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-108
Author(s):  
Gabija Lukšaitė

This paper examines the specifics of foreign policy strategies used by Denmark as a small state in the Arctic region. Based upon a number of theoretical approaches in terms of analyzing small state foreign policy, this study is primarily focused on how small states manage to pursue their goals in an international environment typically dominated by large powers.


Author(s):  
Andrei Andreevich Kovalev

This article explores the key stages of the development of U.S. policy with regards to Arctic Region. The goal is set to outline the fundamental interests of the United States in the Arctic, as well as analyze the actions aimed at their achievement. The article examines the main priorities in U.S. Arctic policy, namely the protection and preservation of resources and ecosystem in the Arctic Region, scientific study of climatic changes, peculiarities of economic development of Alaska, and national security interests of the state. The questions of interaction of Arctic states with regards to defense cooperation become increasingly relevant. Consideration of the mid-term and long-term prospects of U.S. Arctic policy allowed the author focusing attention on the news aspects of U.S. government actions. Maritime capabilities of the United States in the Arctic waters are views in the context of modern tendencies. The author attempted to trace the prospects for expansion of U.S. influence in the Arctic Region based on the current agenda of 2019.


2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 380-402
Author(s):  
Natalie Dobson ◽  
Seline Trevisanut

Abstract The effects of global warming in the Arctic region present a particular challenge for the European Union (EU), which seeks to profile itself as a leader in responding to climate change. Although the EU strives to prioritize climate protection, the Arctic region remains one of the EU’s major suppliers of energy, particularly oil and gas. The EU must thus strike a balance between climate change mitigation and adaptation, and energy security. The present article analyses the developments of the EU position in this field, particularly in light of the COP 21 negotiations, and the more recent 2016 Integrated European Union Policy for the Arctic. In doing so it seeks to explore to what extent the EU truly is fulfilling its own leadership aspirations in the field of climate change and energy in the Arctic.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel C. Thomas ◽  
Ben Tonra

Summary The strengthened Office of the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the new European External Action Service (EEAS) presuppose a set of interests and/or values that the European Union (EU) wishes to pursue on the world stage. But what are those interests and/or values and how does the EU reach agreement on them? Rather than simply ‘cutting and pasting’ from EU treaties and strategy papers, this article identifies seven distinct theoretical models of how the EU and its member states arrive collectively at a definition of their diplomatic objectives. The seven models include intergovernmentalist models of veto threats and log-rolling, normative institutionalist models of cooperative bargaining and entrapment, and constructivist and sociological institutionalist models of elite socialization, Europeanization and collective identity formation. The article identifies the logics of each model and notes their implications for the role of the EU’s new foreign policy institutions.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Horobets ◽  

The article analyzes the evolution of China's Arctic policy, which has expanded over three decades from individual polar research to observer status in the Arctic Council and the existence of a state Arctic strategy. China and Russia have established mutually beneficial cooperation in the Arctic region in such conditions, when in many areas there are fundamental contradictions between the countries. The West did not have a long-term strategy capable of responding to current security challenges, including in the Arctic. When Russia tried to regain lost positions on the world stage in 2007-2008, China became an increasingly influential player in the world. If before the Arctic had been outside the lines of rivalry for decades, the question of the Far North as an arena of military competition began to take first place. China has become a long-term threat to both the United States and Russia. In previous years, with the help of the China, Moscow had the opportunity to receive the necessary investments and technologies for large-scale Arctic projects. The more Beijing attempts to establish itself as an influential player in the Arctic, the more the threat to other Arctic countries will grow. The Russian Federation has positioned itself as a leader in the region. The country's policy was aimed at strengthening this status through regional control and expansion of the military presence. This led to a response from the United States and NATO countries. In Russia it was assessed as a threat. The question arises as to what the strategy of the United States should be, and whether it will be possible to resist the costly arms race. If not, then the competition will be concentrated in the political and economic spheres. A particular aspect is the rapid militarization of the Arctic region after 2014, primarily due to changes in Russia's military strategy, which extends to the North. This has led to the tensions between the United States and Russia. China has not yet resorted to expand its military power in the Arctic. China's policy of economic and infrastructural influence is opposed to military methods. The effectiveness of Chinese non-military methods of influence is assessed


Author(s):  
Andrei Andreevich Kovalev

The goal of this article consists in comprehensive analysis of the domestic and foreign security policy of Norway in the regions of Norwegian Arctic and Northern Norway. This work explores the geographical peculiarities and economy of the regions; questions of international cooperation, impacting the domestic policy as a whole and Arctic policy in particular; Norway’s military interests and military presence of NATO and the United States in the region of Norwegian Arctic. Attention is given to the relations between Norway and Russia, since they influence the overall balance between countries in the Arctic region. The conducted analysis demonstrates that Arctic region is strategically important for Norway from the perspectives of both, domestic and foreign policy. Norway plans to pay attention to respect nation’s sovereignty, which is necessary for successful development of the region, its economy, security, and conducting scientific research in the Arctic. Norway’s Arctic policy is closely tied to relations with Russia and NATO member-states, and its further development on this vector can play a positive role for the entire global community. Carrying out dual policy with regards to Russia, Norway welcomes the strengthening of military presence of the NATO countries in the region.                                                          


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ekaterina Ananyeva

The Russian Federation has been for several years characterized as having both domestic resources and the corresponding desire to re-establish some of the influences in the international affairs, resembling the ones it used to have during the Soviet times. In this manner, it seeks to re-establish the status not only by military means, but by diplomatic tools as well, which are at the center of this research. To be more concrete, the purpose of this research paper is to map and explain Russian non-military strategies on the Arctic region. The main questions are, therefore, as follows: (a) What is the attitude of the Russian Federation toward the Arctic region? and (b) What are the factors that contribute to this attitude? As indicated by many, the states with political ambitions share conservatism mainly related to economics and relative suspicion toward the well-established multilateral institutions, while preferring bilateral relations or being establishing partners in emerging organizations. Apart from what has been mentioned above, this paper intends to develop such an argument and test it on the particular case of the Arctic region. It, in essence, argues that Russia prefers bilateral approach in case of negotiations over the issues of its core national interests and is inclined to multilateral options in case of soft issue areas. However, although Russian bilateral relations attract sufficient scholarly attention, its presence in multilateral institutions is still an under-researched area. This research paper aims at contributing to global discussion by providing an answer on what is Russian attitude in multilateral institutions and what factors contribute to this behavior. As for the hypothesis, it shall be tested on the empirical data from content analysis of official documents (press releases and governmental statements), provided by the online archive of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs


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