The British Elections

1952 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
M. A. Fitzsimons

The british elections of October 25 gave the Conservative Party a small majority of 17 members in the House of Commons, although the popular vote provided a majority of 200,000 for the Labour Party. Parliament, however, is the supreme power in the British government and the discrepancy between popular vote and parliamentary results will not seriously shake the self-confidence of the Conservative Party. Members of the Labour Party, less sober and responsible in opposition, will doubtless characterize the Conservative government as a freak and an accident. But British traditions sanction the illogical workings of electoral machinery.

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-834 ◽  
Author(s):  
RANDALL HANSEN

The article examines the 1966–70 Labour government's decision to withdraw the right of entry from Asians with British passports who were driven out of Kenya by its ‘Africanization’ policies. It examines the decision within the context of three issues: first, the existence and status of a pledge, allegedly made by Macmillan's last Conservative government, that the Asians' right to enter the UK would be respected; second, a decline in both major parties' commitment to the Commonwealth; and, third, competing ideological strains within the Labour party. The article concentrates on the first of these issues, focusing on an as-yet-unresolved debate between Duncan Sandys and Iain Macleod, both Conservative Colonial Secretaries. Macleod argued that a solemn pledge had been given to the Asians, while Sandys and the Conservative party adamantly denied the claim. In the light of new archival evidence, the article argues that the Asians' exemption from immigration controls, which had been applied to the whole of the Commonwealth, did not result from an explicit commitment by the British government; it was rather the unintended result of the mechanism chosen to restrict Commonwealth immigration in 1962. It was a consequence, however, that was recognized by civil servants at the time of the passage of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1962, and accepted by key figures in the British cabinet, including Duncan Sandys himself. The position taken by Sandys and the majority of the Conservative party in 1968 was, behind the safety of the Official Secrets Act, a betrayal of commitments made and pledges given only a few years earlier. The article concludes by suggesting that the Kenyan Asians' crisis represented both a shift, in the two parties, away from previous commitments to the Commonwealth and, in the Labour party, the triumph of James Callaghan's strand of Labour ideology – nationalist, anti-intellectual, indifferent to arguments about international law and obligation, and firmly in touch with the social conservatism of middle- and working-class England.


1958 ◽  
Vol 11 (41) ◽  
pp. 18-45 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Large

In 1765 a major decision was taken in London which amounted to the formulation of a new English policy towards Ireland: viceroys in future were to reside constantly in Dublin and the old system of undertakers was to be overthrown. But it was not until 1767 that British government found in Viscount Townsend a nobleman prepared to carry out the new policy. By May of 1768 Townsend had reached the crisis point in his relations with the undertakers. They had just behaved in an utterly intolerable manner in the viceroy’s eyes by using their influence as the principal servants of the crown to secure the rejection in the house of commons of the crown’s scheme to increase the number of troops on the Irish establishment, on which the king’s ministers in London had set very great store. The augmentation was the principal issue over which the fierce struggle between the viceroy and the undertakers was fought, but the true question to be settled, as Townsend insisted over and over again with characteristic vehemence, was of deeper significance. Was the undertaker system, which had allowed a considerable measure of autonomy to a small oligarchy in Ireland, to be allowed to continue? Or was a bold policy to be pursued of re-establishing once and for all the power of the king’s representative in Ireland, especially in the control of patronage, thus administering a serious check to the self-governing aspirations of the Anglo-Irish gentry, and emphasising Ireland’s subordination to England?


1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 694-703 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allan Kornberg ◽  
Robert C. Frasure

Questionnaire data that delineate the positions of 197 Labour and 126 Conservative M.P.s in the British House of Commons on ten major policy issues are utilized in an empirical test of some of the positions taken by British political parry scholars, Samuel H. Beer and Robert T. McKenzie. Assuming that policy stances taken on these issues reflect more general ideological orientations, the data support Beer's view that serious ideological differences divide the parties. However, McKenzie's belief that policy differences between the frontbenches are narrower than are differences between their backbench supporters is also confirmed. The data also indicate that the differences between the front and backbenches are greater in the Labour party than in the Conservative party, a situation that could be intrinsic to the parties or merely a function of the fact that Labour was in power when these data were collected. Finally, it is suggested that although there are significant differences between the frontbenches and an extreme wing of their respective backbenches, as McKenzie had assumed, it would be unwise to exaggerate the importance of such intraparty differences.


Significance While 62% of party members and registered supporters voted for Corbyn, over 80% of members of parliament (MPs) supported a vote of no confidence against him on June 28. However, the current crisis engulfing the party has deeper roots than Corbyn's leadership. Impacts A comfortable Conservative victory at the next election is highly probable. Labour's woes mean that the real dividing line in UK politics is currently between the right and centrist wings of the Conservative Party. Labour's struggle for a clear identity is shared by other European centre-left parties, including Germany's Social Democrats. Corbyn appeals to the radical left while traditional working-class voters increasingly favour the identity politics of the populist right.


2018 ◽  
pp. 117-136
Author(s):  
Daniel Gover ◽  
Michael Kenny

In October 2015, the Conservative Government introduced a reform to the procedures of the House of Commons known as ‘English votes for English laws’ (or EVEL). This chapter examines how the Conservative Party, which has historically been closely identified with unionism, became the architect of such a scheme. It documents how this topic emerged in political debate, following the implementation of devolution and, again, in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum. And it analyses EVEL’s operation at Westminster in 2015–17, uncovering tensions within it that point to deeper strains within Conservative Party thinking. It concludes that EVEL needs to be understood not only as a response to the ‘West Lothian Question’, but also in relation to a longer-term disjuncture in the Conservative psyche arising from two competing conceptions of the nature and purpose of union.


Author(s):  
Elena Ananieva ◽  

Since November, the highest echelons of the Conservative Party have been involved in a series of scandals – violation of the rules of lobbying, anti–covid measures, donor contributions to the party treasury – which also affected PM Boris Johnson. The ratings of the ruling party and the head of the Cabinet began to decline rapidly, and the authority of B. Johnson as leader is questioned by the parliamentary fraction and the public. The popularity of the Labour Party and its leader K. Starmer has risen amid the crisis in the ruling party. However, the Tories face a dilemma – changing the party leader, and, consequently, the PM, can put early general elections on the agenda so that the new leader confirms his mandate with the voters. Will the Conservatives take risks in difficult times, having a significant majority in the House of Commons?


Author(s):  
Toke Aidt ◽  
Felix Grey ◽  
Alexandru Savu

AbstractWhy do politicians rebel and vote against the party line when high stakes bills come to the floor of the legislature? To address that question, we leverage the three so-called Meaningful Votes that took place in the British House of Commons between January and March 2019 on the Withdrawal Agreement that the Conservative government had reached with the European Union. The bill was defeated decisively three times following a major revolt amongst Conservative backbench Members of Parliament (MPs). We find that three factors influenced their rebellion calculus: the MP’s own ideological views, constituency preferences and career concerns. Somewhat paradoxically, the rebellion within the Conservative Party came from MPs who had supported Leave in the 2016 Brexit referendum and from MPs elected in Leave-leaning constituencies.


1980 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. J. Beck

The League of Nations was a new factor to be considered during the formulation of any country's foreign policy after 1919, even if it was an experiment which has often been dismissed as doomed to failure on account of the desire of the great powers to limit its evolution.1 The refusal to allow the ex-enemy states to join the League immediately, as well as the non-membership of the United States and of Russia, meant that initially Britain and France emerged as the dominant members of the League and as the leading ‘producers’ of security, and thus they have received a large part of the blame for thwarting the League's development. In particular, in the case of Britain, the Conservative Party was regarded as less sympathetic to the League than the Labour Party, and consequently a Conservative government, such as that of Stanley Baldwin from 1924–1929, which rejected the Geneva Protocol, has been interpreted as a restrictive, even harmful, influence upon the League.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 32694 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genesis Souza Barbosa ◽  
Caio Guilherme Silva Bias ◽  
Lorene Soares Agostinho ◽  
Luciana Maria Capurro de Queiroz Oberg ◽  
Rafael Oliveira Pitta Lopes ◽  
...  

AIMS: To verify the effectiveness of the simulation in the self-confidence of nursing students for extra-hospital cardiopulmonary resuscitation. METHODS: A quasi-experimental, before and after, single-group study, was performed with nursing undergraduate students. The sample was recruited among university students who were in the second or third year of graduation and accepted to participate in the research. The intervention protocol consisted of individual participation in a emergency simulated clinical scenario. The simulated scenario adopted consisted of cardiopulmonary resuscitation in extra-hospital cardiorespiratory arrest, using the Mini Anne Plus® low fidelity manikin. In addition to the sociodemographic variables, students' self-confidence for emergency action was analyzed, evaluated by the Self-Confidence Scale, before and after each simulation. Marginal and homogeneous Wilcoxon homogeneity tests were applied, and the accepted significance level was 5%.RESULTS: Thirteen two undergraduate students in nursing between the ages of 18 and 38 participated in the study. Statistically significant differences (p < 0.001) were observed in the answers of all the questions of the Self-confidence Scale when compared before and after the simulation. There was also a statistically significant increase (p < 0.001) in cardiological, respiratory and neurological scores after simulation.CONCLUSIONS: The simulation proved to be an effective educational strategy in increasing the self-confidence of nursing students to perform extra-hospital cardiopulmonary resuscitation.


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