Kelly vs. Goldsmith: the Bailiffs in The School for Wives

1978 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-186
Author(s):  
Oliver W. Ferguson

Students of the eighteenth-century English theater are familiar with the bitter rivalry between Oliver Goldsmith and Hugh Kelly. The two had been friends until January 1768, when Kelly's False Delicacy and Goldsmith's The Good Natur'd Man opened within a week of each other. The Good Natur'd Man was moderately successful, but whatever satisfaction Goldsmith might otherwise have taken in this fact was marred by the overwhelming popularity of Kelly's comedy. To add to Goldsmith's discomfiture was the chagrin of having had one scene in his play hissed off the stage because of its low humor. In large measure, the reception given Goldsmith's first comedy influenced his intentions in his second: She Stoops to Conquer is an example of “laughing” comedy, deliberately set against the sentimental variety written by Kelly.

1982 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 127-135
Author(s):  
John R. Guy

Eighteenth-Century Europe is remarkable for the number of medically qualified men whose fame rests not on medicine, but on their achievements in other fields. The poets Oliver Goldsmith in England and Johann Schiller in Germany come to mind, as do the author Tobias Smollett and the French political activist Jean Marat. Another is the subject of this paper, Thomas Seeker, who in later life was successively bishop of Bristol, Oxford, and archbishop of Canterbury.Seeker’s undoubted pastoral sensitivity was reflected in his sermons and in the visitation charges which Richard Watson said deserved ‘as much attention as the best’ of those published in the eighteenth century. This, coupled with his own reticence, has tended to overshadow, if not totally eclipse, his earlier years of training as a physician, and his contribution to medicine. His biographer, Beilby Porteus, said of him ‘he chose always rather to talk of things than persons; was very sparing in giving his opinion of characters... Of his own good deeds or great attainments he never spoke, nor loved to hear others speak’.


The name of Dr John Turton may not be familiar today, but in the latter part of the eighteenth century it was both well-known and respected. Dr Johnson, with whom he was related and connected, wrote verses to his mother. During the Grand Tour which he made on a Radchffe Travelling Fellowship, he met most of the physicians in Europe and studied at Geneva, Vienna and Paris. He played a small but important part, hitherto quite unknown, in the life of Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Among his patients were Edward Gibbon, David Garrick, Oliver Goldsmith, Mrs Delany, George III, Queen Charlotte, and the Prince of Wales, for he became Physician in Ordinary to them, and his correspondence shows how greatly his advice was appreciated by several members of the Royal Family. His correspondence with Charles Bonnet and Sir Joseph Banks throws light on the famous dissensions in the Royal Society in the 1780’s. For all these reasons it has seemed worth while to rescue Turton from oblivion, a task which has been made both possible and pleasurable with the help of Mr R. H. Turton, M.P., Dr John Keevil, D.S.O., and Dr Bernard Gagnebin, Keeper of Manuscripts in the Library of Geneva. Ancestry and early years Dr John Turton (I) * was born in 1735, the son of Dr John Turton, a distinguished physician of Birmingham who in the previous year had married Dorothy Hickman, daughter of Gregory Hickman of Stourbridge. The Hickmans were connected with Dr Johnson, for Gregory Hickman’s mother Jane afterwards married Joseph Ford, Dr Johnson’s uncle. It was to Dorothy Hickman that Dr Johnson addressed his verses, To Miss Hickman playing on the Spinet , before he left Staffordshire for London. Mrs Turton died in 1744, and she appears to have been possessed of some fortune because John Turton inherited from her some property in Yorkshire.


Author(s):  
Allen Carlson

Environmental aesthetics is one of the major new areas of aesthetics to have emerged in the last part of the twentieth century. It focuses on philosophical issues concerning appreciation of the world at large as it is constituted not simply by particular objects but also by environments themselves. In this way environmental aesthetics goes beyond the appreciation of art to the aesthetic appreciation of both natural and human environments. Its development has been influenced by eighteenth-century landscape aesthetics as well as by two recent factors: the exclusive focus of twentieth-century philosophical aesthetics on art, and the public concern for the aesthetic condition of environments that developed in the second half of that century. Both factors broadened the scope of environmental aesthetics beyond that of traditional aesthetics, and both helped to set the central philosophical issue of the field, which is due in large measure to the differences between the nature of the object of appreciation of environmental aesthetics, the world at large and the nature of art. These differences are so marked that environmental aesthetics must begin with basic questions, such as ‘what’ and ‘how’ to appreciate. These questions have generated a number of different philosophical positions, two of which are the engagement and the cognitive approaches. The first holds that appreciators must transcend traditional dichotomies, such as subject/object, and diminish the distance between themselves and objects of appreciation, aiming at multi-sensory immersion of the former within the latter. By contrast, the second contends that appreciation must be guided by the nature of objects of appreciation and that knowledge about their origins, types and properties is necessary for serious, appropriate aesthetic appreciation. Each approach has certain strengths and weaknesses. However, although different in emphasis, they are not in direct conflict. When conjoined, they advocate bringing together feeling and knowing, which is the core of serious aesthetic experience and which, when achieved in aesthetic appreciation of different environments of the world at large, shows just how rewarding such appreciation can be.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Israel

This chapter describes how, politically, as in other ways, the period 1650–1713 marked the culmination of a distinctive Jewish culture within Europe. While Jews, at least in many parts of Europe, had always tended to congregate in their own quarters, the changes of the sixteenth century — the vast expansion of Jewish life in Poland–Lithuania and in the Ottoman lands and the compulsory subjection to the ghetto system in Italy — combined to propagate a much more developed and intricate pattern of Jewish self-government than had existed previously. In the political as in the cultural sphere, perhaps the most striking feature of the general transformation was the large measure of conformity and cohesion applying across the continent. This is not to say that there were no significant divergences as between diverse parts of Europe, but by and large the essential similarities in the institutions of Jewish organized life held true everywhere. Moreover, there was a particularly notable uniformity regarding the chronology of the evolution of Jewish self-rule: practically everywhere the system reached its fullest development after 1650 and then gradually waned as from the early years of the eighteenth century.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 577-599 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank M. Turner

During the past quarter century scholars from several disciplines have established the central metaphorical function of the demise of the ancient Roman Republic for both literary and political discourse in eighteenth century Britain. But the reverse side of that inquiry – the impact of the analogy between Britain and Rome on the modern historical interpretation of the ancient republic – has received virtually no attention. This oversight has concealed a remarkable modern British historiographical phenomenon that did not end at the close of the eighteenth century. Rather, for over two hundred years modern British political ideologies and preoccupations determined not only how the collapse of the Roman republic would be interpreted but also in large measure even whether it would receive historical examination. The various shifts of historical interpretation from the age of Queen Anne through that of Chamberlain illustrate with stunning and disturbing clarity the relentless manner in which contemporary political concerns can shape, revise, and eventually overwhelm modes of historical understanding without discovery of significant new evidence or the application of new methodology. By the twentieth century methodology itself, in the form of prosopography, in part served the ends of political commentary.


1979 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-123
Author(s):  
Heinrich Richard Falk

The recorded history of the Spanish theatre has been, in large measure, a history of the Madrid stage. Madrid, like London and Paris, was not only the political center of its nation, but also its cultural capital. Performers and playwrights may have served enforced periods of apprenticeship in the provinces (the example of Molière comes to mind), but success in the capital remained a constant goal. Historians of the theatre in Spain have tended to follow the lead of the actors in fixing their attention almost exclusively on Madrid. N. D. Shergold's A History of the Spanish Stage becomes primarily a history of the Madrid stage after his chronicle moves from medieval times to the establishment of the first public theatres in late sixteenth-century Madrid. René Andioc's study of the eighteenth-century Spanish theatre, Sur la querelle du théâtre au temps de Leandro Fernández de Moratín (Theatrical Polemics in the Time of Moratin), is almost entirely about the theatre in Madrid, a fact recognized in the title of the Spanish version, Teatro y sociedad en el Madrid del siglo XVIII (Theatre and Society in Eighteenth-Century Madrid). Many additional examples could be cited from the Golden Age to the present of historians purporting to study the Spanish theatre, but in reality considering only the Madrid theatre.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 648-653
Author(s):  
Kubra Baysal

Published in 1766, The Vicar of Wakefield: A Tale is the only novel by Irish writer Oliver Goldsmith, who starts his literary adventure as a hack writer. Reflecting the story through the parson’s point of view in retrospection with his memories depicting the idyllic life and subsequent misfortunes he experiences with his family, the novel catches the soul of the eighteenth century readers and the following ones with its sentimental and moralistic elements taking them back to the sphere of human nature. Despite the contradicting ideas on the work that it is thought “to be both a success and a failure, satiric and sentimental, coherent and disunified” all at the same time (Merritt 3), carrying not only the reminiscence of the writer’s personal life but also projecting the mid-eighteenth century England with references to different aspects of life, the novel receives popularity “for its gentle irony, and for its wisdom as well as its sense of absurdity” (Jeffares 6). This paper will focus on The Vicar of Wakefield through its thematic and stylistic qualities, representative aspects of the eighteenth century England, namely literary, social and political elements clearly observed within narration and Goldsmith’s distinct satirical style, which pave the way for the novel through centuries up to the modern readers as an amalgam of different influences and traditions.


1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shula Marks

The responses of the Khoisan peoples to the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have generally been dismissed summarily by historians. This article attempts to place their reactions into the broader framework of the receptivity of Late Stone Age society in South Africa to cultural innovation, and suggests that the usual dichotomy drawn between the rapid disintegration of the pastoral Khoi in the face of the Dutch settlers and the fierce resistance of the San hunter-gatherers is an oversimplification. There was little to distinguish cattleless Khoi from San, or San who had acquired cattle from Khoi, and both processes were at work both during and before the Dutch period in South Africa. The belief that the Khoi ‘willingly’ bartered away their cattle for ‘mere baubles’ is challenged, and it is maintained that the violence which punctuated every decade of the eighteenth century, and which culminated in the so-called ‘Bushman Wars’, were in large measure the Khoisan response to their prior dispossession by the Boers. On the other hand, the readiness of the Khoisan to acculturate to both the Dutch and the Bantu-speaking intruders, their relatively small population and loose social organization, meant that their ethnic identity virtually disappeared. Nevertheless their responses were more complex than is generally realized and resemble those of other colonized peoples. They were also to have a profound influence on the attitudes towards whites of Bantu-speakers on the Cape's eastern and northern frontiers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.


Author(s):  
Allen Carlson

Environmental aesthetics is one of the major new areas of aesthetics to have emerged in the last part of the twentieth century. It focuses on philosophical issues concerning appreciation of the world at large as it is constituted not simply by particular objects but also by environments themselves. In this way environmental aesthetics goes beyond the appreciation of art to the aesthetic appreciation of both natural and human environments. The development of environmental aesthetics has been influenced by eighteenth-century landscape aesthetics as well as by two recent factors: the exclusive focus of twentieth-century philosophical aesthetics on art and the public concern for the aesthetic condition of environments that developed in the second half of that century. Both factors have broadened the scope of environmental aesthetics beyond that of traditional aesthetics, and both have helped to set the central philosophical issues of the field, which are due in large measure to the differences between the nature of the object of appreciation of environmental aesthetics, the world at large, and the nature of art. These differences are so marked that environmental aesthetics must begin with most basic questions, such as ‘what’ and ‘how’ to appreciate. These questions have generated a number of different philosophical positions, which are typically classified as either noncognitive or cognitive approaches. Positions of the first type stress various kinds of emotional and feeling-related states and responses, which are taken to be the more noncognitive dimensions of aesthetic experience. By contrast, positions of the second type contend that appreciation must be guided by the nature of objects of appreciation and thus that knowledge about their origins, types and properties is necessary for serious, appropriate aesthetic appreciation. Each of these two kinds of approach has certain strengths and weaknesses. However, recent work in environmental aesthetics, especially in the aesthetics of human environments and everyday life, demonstrates that although different in emphasis, they are not in direct conflict. When conjoined, they advocate bringing together feeling and knowing, which is the core of serious aesthetic experience and which, when achieved in aesthetic appreciation of different environments of the world at large, demonstrates just how rewarding such appreciation can be.


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