On two Xerxes inscriptions (Plates I, II)

1999 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 323-325
Author(s):  
Rudiger Schmitt

Being engaged in the preparation of an edition of the Old Persian inscriptions of Naqš-i Rustam and Persepolis for the Corpus Inscriptionum Iranicarum (CII), the present author was given the privilege of looking through the relevant material collected by Émile Benveniste (1902–76), who had been entrusted by the Council of the CII in August 1954 with the task of preparing the edition of the cuneiform inscriptions of the Achaemenid kings. In this collection there were found photographs of two minor Old Persian texts of King Xerxes I, previously documented only in the form of drawings by Ernst Herzfeld. These photographs are presented for the first time in this short paper.

Author(s):  
Nikolay V. Belenov ◽  

The article deals with the inventory of toponyms of the village of Bolshoe Aldarkino, Borskii district, Samara region, introduced and analyzed for the first time by the present author. The village was founded by the descendants of Virjal Chuvash in 1767. The research database has been formed by the evidence on the toponymics of the village and its surrounding area collected by the author from locals and local historians during his field trip in 2018. Also, for a comparative analysis of the toponyms under study, he has made use of the relevant material collected by him in other Chuvash villages of the Samara Volga region in the period between 2015 and 2019; these are first of all the villages in Borskii, Pokhvistnevskii, and Isaklinskii districts. As a result, it was possible to identify the principal elements of the toponymic items of the Chuvash idiolect of Bolshoe Aldarkino, their particular forms and semantics. To illustrate, such terms as var (ravine) or oshken´(street) have peculiarities in their structure, forms, and semantics, which make them distinctly characteristic of this particular Chuvash dialect in contrast to those spoken in the neighboring Chuvash villages. Most of the names presented in the article are etymologized from the Chuvash and Russian languages, a number of toponyms are currently de-etymologized, but there are no grounds to refer them to any other language. There is no substrate layer in the toponymic space under study. Some geographical names display the features of the Virjal dialect of the Chuvash language, including Odar, Vyras Oshken, Tikhon Oshken, etc. A few geographical items of the toponymic space of Bolshoe Aldarkino have convincing lexical and semantic parallels in the toponymic spaces of other Chuvash villages in the region, as well as of other settlements of Chuvash speakers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-20
Author(s):  
Haidar Salim Anan

The taxonomical consideration, probable phylogeny and stratigraphic significance of twenty-eight middle Eocene (Bartonian) planktic foraminiferal species from the eastern limb of Jabal Hafit, Al Ain area, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Northern Oman Mountains (NOM) are presented, and twenty one of them are illustrated. Identification of these twenty-eight species belonging to ten genera Globoturborotalia, Subbotina, Globigerinatheka, Inordinatosphaera, Orbulinoides, Hantkenina, Acarinina, Morozovelloides, Pseudohastigerina and Turborotalia has led to the recognition of three biostratigraphic zones, in ascending order: Morozovelloides lehneri PRZ (E11), Orbulinoides beckmanni TRZ (E12) and Morozovelloides crassata HOZ (E13). Eight out of the identified species are recorded, in this study, for the first time from Jabal Hafit: Globoturborotalia martini, Subbotina gortanii, S. jacksonensis, S. senni, Globigerinatheca barri, Acarinina praetopilensis, A. punctocarinata and Morozovelloides bandyi. The second or third record of three species from J. Hafit outside its original records are recently documented by the present author: Inordinatosphaera indica, Hantkenina australis and H. compressa. The paleontology, paleoclimatology and paleogeographic distribution of the identified taxa at Jabal Hafit and other Paleogene outcrops in the UAE and Tethys are presented and discussed. The identified fauna emphasis the wide geographic areas in the Tethys, from Atlantic to Indian-Pacific Oceans via Mediterranean.


Traditio ◽  
1946 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Anselm Strittmatter

Following certain suggestions of the late Edmund Bishop, Father Joseph Jungmann, S.J., in his excellent book, Die Stellung Christi im liturgischen Gebet, discusses at some length the type of prayer which in the West was generally known as ‘Apologia Sacerdotis', though other titles too, are not infrequently found, e.g., ‘Excusatio’ or ‘Accusatio Sacerdotis', and occasionally some such neutral heading as ‘Oratio S. Ambrosii’, ‘Oratio S. Augustini’. The relevant material has been gathered by Abbot Cabrol, who presents a most useful (and at the same time curiously misleading) list of the prayers which belong to this class in his article, ‘Apologies' (DACL 1, 2591–2601). To this list very little, if anything, remains to be added, but for the sake of completeness there will have to be included in any corpus of apologies, if such a collection is ever undertaken, the interesting cento which is here published—as far as I am aware, for the first time.


2007 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 121-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Schwemer

AbstractIn many regions of the ancient Near East, not least in Upper Mesopotamia, Syria and Anatolia where agriculture relied mainly on rainfall, storm-gods ranked among the most prominent gods in the local panthea or were even regarded as divine kings, ruling over the gods and bestowing kingship on the human ruler. While the Babylonian and Assyrian storm-god never held the highest position among the gods, he too belongs to the group of 'great gods' through most periods of Mesopotamian history. Given the many cultural contacts and the longevity of traditions in the ancient Near East only a study that takes into account all relevant periods, regions and text-groups can further our understanding of the different ancient Near Eastern storm-gods. The study Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens by the present author (2001) tried to tackle the problems involved, basing itself primarily on the textual record and excluding the genuinely Anatolian storm-gods from the study. Given the lack of handbooks, concordances and thesauri in our field, the book is necessarily heavily burdened with materials collected for the first time. Despite comprehensive indices, the long lists and footnotes as well as the lack of an overall synthesis make the study not easily accessible, especially outside the German-speaking community. In 2003 Alberto Green published a comprehensive monograph entitled The Storm-God in the Ancient Near East whose aims are more ambitious than those of Wettergottgestalten: All regions of the ancient Near East—including a chapter on Yahwe as a storm-god—are taken into account, and both textual and iconographic sources are given equal space. Unfortunately this book, which was apparently finished and submitted to the publisher before Wettergottgestalten came to its author's attention, suffers from some serious flaws with regard to methodology, philology and the interpretation of texts and images. In presenting the following succinct overview I take the opportunity to make up for the missing synthesis in Wettergottgestalten and to provide some additions and corrections where necessary. It is hoped that this synthesis can also serve as a response to the history of ancient Near Eastern storm-gods as outlined by A. Green.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-49
Author(s):  
Rafał Rosół ◽  

This article examines the Greek noun σαγγάνδης ‘messenger’ which is attested in two lexica, dated to the Roman or early Byzantine periods: the Cambridge Rhetorical Lexicon by an anonymous author and Difficult Words in the Attic Orators by Claudius Casilo. In both works, σαγγάνδης appears together with three words of likely Iranian provenance: ὀροσάγγης ‘benefactor of the Persian king; bodyguard’, παρασάγγης ‘parasang; messenger’ and ἄγγαρος ‘messenger, courier; workman, labourer’. The word σαγγάνδης is analysed in comparison with ἀσγάνδης/ ἀστάνδης ‘messenger’ occurring for the first time in Plutarch’s works and closely linked to the Achaemenid administration. According to the hypothesis put forward in the present paper, both σαγγάνδης and  σγάνδης (with its secondary variant  στάνδης) are connected to Manichaean Middle Persian/Parthian ižgand ‘messenger’, Sogdian (a)žγand/(ɔ) žγand/ž(i)γant ‘id.’, Jewish Aramaic ʾîzgaddā ‘id.’, Syriac izgandā/izgaddā ‘id.’, Mandaic ašganda ‘helper, assistant, servant; the Messenger’, and go back to Old Persian *zganda- or to early Middle Persian/early Parthian *žgand- (or *zgand-) with the original meaning ‘mounted messenger’. The reconstructed noun is derived from the Proto-Iranian root *zga(n)d- ‘to go on, gallop, mount’, attested in Avestan (Younger Avestan zgaδ(/θ)- ‘to go on horseback, gallop’) and in some Middle and Modern Iranian languages. The original form of the loanword in Greek was probably *σγάνδης which then underwent certain transformations.


Author(s):  
S. BELETSKY ◽  

In 2018 the present author acquired a collection of 144 Old Russian seals, which previously belonged to archaeologist I. N. Parusimov from Rostov. A part of the collection, including 31 seals which, according to Parusimov, came from the territory of Ukraine, had already been published. The present paper republishes these finds with the purpose to correct their previous attributions. It should be noted that three of the princely symbols identified on the seals published here are recorded for the first time.


1962 ◽  
Vol 94 (10) ◽  
pp. 1082-1089 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. P. Arthur

The European, or Essex skipper, Thymelicus (= Adopaea) lineola (Ochs.), was accidentally introduced into North America at London, Ontario, sometime before 1910 (Saunders, 1916). The history of its subsequent spread through southern Ontario and adjoining parts of Michigan and Ohio was reviewed by Pengelly (1961), who received the first report of extensive damage to hay and pasture crops by this insect in Ontario from the Markdale area of Grey County in 1956. A survey in 1958 (Pengelly, 1961) showed that the skipper “appeared to be present throughout the southern part of the province except for the Bruce peninsula and possibly the Windsor area. The northeasterly boundary appeared to he along a line from Midland, south around the west side of Lake Simcoe, east to Lindsay and south to Whitby.” The present author collected T. lineola larvae from the Belleville area for the first time in 1959.


The eye of Pecten has excited an unusual amount of interest for many years, and many workers have described its structure. The present author devoted a considerable period to the study of its minute histology in 1908, and was able to make clear for the first time certain fundamental features in the structure of the retina. This work was confirmed in all essential points by Kupfer (1916). Several writers have commented upon the resemblances between the eyes of Spondylus and Pecten , although with the exception of Hickson's account of the structure of the Spondylus eye and a very brief reference by Hesse, there is no paper dealing especially with this genus. There is a general impression, too, that Pecten and Spondylus stand alone amongst Lamellibranchs in the possession of the most complicated type of eye, with two layers of sensory cells in the retina, and no mention appears in the literature of such genera as Amussium , Chlamys and Pedum , which are, no doubt, very closely related to pecten , although Ridewood placed Amussium in the family Mytilacea.


2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jérémy Anquetin ◽  
Sylvie Deschamps ◽  
Julien Claude

Plesiochelyidae are a major component of Late Jurassic shallow marine environments throughout Europe. However, the taxonomy of the plesiochelyid turtles is rather confused. Over the years, many taxa have been synonymized with Plesiochelys etalloni, one of the first described species. However, the holotype of P. etalloni (and only specimen known from the type locality) was lost for more than 150 years. This specimen has been recently rediscovered in the collections of the Musée d'archéologie du Jura in Lons-le-Saunier, France. For the first time since its original description in 1857, the holotype of P. etalloni is redescribed and compared to relevant material. The taxonomical status of this taxon is revised accordingly. Based on the morphology of the newly rediscovered holotype, the species P. solodurensis, P. sanctaeverenae and P. langii are synonymized with P. etalloni. Known skull-shell associations for P. etalloni are re-evaluated in light of the new morphological information available since the rediscovery of this holotype specimen. Finally, we confirm that Plesiochelys is represented by a single species in Solothurn, Switzerland.


Scrinium ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 367-374
Author(s):  
Serge A. Frantsouzoff

Abstract A majority of the sources on medieval Ethiopia are written in the Gǝ‘ǝz language in the “genre” of history. However, some texts written in Arabic remain equally important. Among such texts the missive addressed by a ruler of Ethiopia to the Mamluk Sultan Baybars (known as al-Malik al-Ẓāhir) in AH 673 / AD 1274-75 is of considerable interest. The Ethiopian ruler can be identified as the founder of the Ethiopian Solomonic dynasty Yǝkunno Amlak. The text of this missive survived in three Arabic versions: in the Islamic “encyclopaedias” by al-Nuwayrī and al-Qalqashadī (resp. AH 730 / AD 1330 and AH 814 / AD 1412) and in the dhayl (continuation) to the Universal history by al-Makīn, compiled by the Coptic author al-Mufaḍḍal b. Abī’l-Faḍā’il in AH 759 / AD 1358. All three versions are almost identical, however, the version by al-Nuwayrī is the longest one and the closest to the original. The detailed analysis of this version supplied by the full translation into English made for the first time by the present author clearly shows that the person who wrote it was the amīr (commander) of the Amhara and not yet the king of Ethiopia. However, he had an intention to become himself with his people a subject of Baybars to obtain help from him against the Zagwe dynasty. As a consequence, the Ethiopian Christians would have been under the Muslim power. However, the Mamluk Sultan was less interested in that affair.


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