Not with One Voice: An Explanation of Intragroup Variation in Nationalist Sentiment

2000 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Gorenburg

Support for nationalism among minorities in multiethnic countries has received a great deal of scholarly attention in recent years. Few of these studies, however, have delved into the social bases of support for nationalism within a particular ethnic group. Scholars who study nationalism usually assume that support for nationalism among the members of an ethnic group is either randomly distributed or identical for all members of the group. Both assumptions are implausible. This article seeks to show that support for nationalism among members of an ethnic group is neither constant nor random. Furthermore, it argues that the extent to which members of social subgroups within the ethnic group come to support nationalism is predictable and is based on a particular sequence of mobilization. This sequence depends on the extent to which members of each subgroup possess a sense of common collective identity and on the strength of their social ties with those who are at the forefront of the mobilization effort. Both of these factors in turn depend largely on the extent to which state institutions promote ethnic identification among the minority population and create links that increase the density of intragroup social ties. Ethnic institutions are thus the key factor in explaining the sequence by which social groups within an ethnic minority population come to support nationalism.

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110194
Author(s):  
Marcel Roman ◽  
Hannah Walker ◽  
Matt Barreto

Prior research suggests social ties with undocumented immigrants among Latinxs may increase political engagement despite constraints undocumented social networks may introduce. We build on prior research and find across six surveys of Latinxs that social ties with undocumented immigrants are reliably associated with collective, identity expressive activities such as protesting, but not activities where immigration may not be immediately relevant, such as voting. Moreover, we assess a series of mechanisms to resolve the puzzle of heightened participation despite constraints. Consistent with prior research at the intersection of anti-immigrant threat and Social Identity Theory, we find Latinxs with strong ethnic identification are more likely to engage in political protest in the presence of social ties with undocumented immigrants, whereas weak identifiers disengage. We rule out alternative mechanisms that could link undocumented social ties with participation including political efficacy, a sense of injustice, linked fate, acculturation, outgroup perceptions of immigration status, partisan identity, conducive opportunity structures, and prosociality. Our contribution suggests the reason social ties with undocumented immigrants are not necessarily a hindrance to political engagement among Latinx immigrants and their co-ethnics is because they can draw from identitarian resources to overcome participatory constraints.


1999 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. i-iii
Author(s):  
Larry J. Estrada

This issue of the journal takes a comparative look at the intersection of schooling, language, identity, and public policy as they impact ethnic minority population groups both domestically and internationally. In the first article Amara Holstein examines the social and political fallout of the recent anti-bilingual education initiative in California. Claimed by many as being anti-immigrant and anti-Hispanic, Holstein contends that this initiative falls within a broad, historical lexicon of nativist sentiment and backlash intended to disempower Hispanics and other linguistic minorities in the United States. Her analysis also focuses on the personal voices of California Hispanics and their ambivalency towards this particular initiative.


Author(s):  
Sarah Song

Chapter 10 considers what is owed to noncitizens already present in the territory of democratic countries. It focuses on three groups of noncitizens: those admitted on a temporary basis, those who have been granted permanent residence, and those who have overstayed their temporary visas or entered the territory without authorization. What legal rights are these different groups of noncitizens morally entitled to? How should their claims be weighed against the right of states to control immigration? The chapter argues that the longer one lives in the territory, the stronger one’s moral claim to a more extensive set of rights, including the right to remain. The time spent living in a place serves as a proxy for the social ties migrants have developed (social membership principle) and for their contributions to collective life (fair-play principle).


Author(s):  
Rebecca Tarlau

Contrary to the conventional belief that social movements cannot engage the state without becoming co-opted and demobilized, this study shows how movements can advance their struggles by strategically working with, in, through, and outside of state institutions. The success of Brazil’s Landless Workers Movement (MST) in occupying land, winning land rights, and developing alternative economic enterprises for over a million landless workers has made it an inspiration for progressive organizations globally. The MST’s educational initiatives, which are less well known but equally as important, teach students about participatory democracy, collective work, agroecological farming, and other practices that support its socialist vision. This study details how MST activists have pressured municipalities, states, and the federal government to implement their educational proposal in public schools and universities, affecting hundreds of thousands of students. Based on twenty months of ethnographic fieldwork, Occupying Schools, Occupying Land documents the potentials, constraints, failures, and contradictions of the MST’s educational struggle. A major lesson is that participating in the contentious co-governance of public education can help movements recruit new activists, diversify their membership, increase practical and technical knowledge, and garner political power. Activists are most effective when combining disruption, persuasion, negotiation, and co-governance into their tactical repertoires. Through expansive leadership development, the MST implemented its educational program in local schools, even under conservative governments. Such gains demonstrate the potential of schools as sites for activists to prefigure, enact, and develop the social and economic practices they hope to use in the future.


2021 ◽  
pp. jclinpath-2021-207446
Author(s):  
David R Taylor ◽  
Devon Buchanan ◽  
Wiaam Al-Hasani ◽  
Jessica Kearney ◽  
Tina Mazaheri ◽  
...  

AimsPublic Health England has identified that in COVID-19, death rates among ethnic minorities far exceeds that of the white population. While the increase in ethnic minorities is likely to be multifactorial, to date, no studies have looked to see whether values for routine clinical biochemistry parameters differ between ethnic minority and white individuals.MethodsBaseline biochemical data for 22 common tests from 311 SARS-CoV-2 positive patients presenting to hospital in April 2020 in whom ethnicity data were available was retrospectively collected and evaluated. Data comparisons between ethnic minority and white groups were made for all patient data and for the subset of patients subsequently admitted to intensive care.ResultsWhen all patient data were considered, the ethnic minority population had statistically significant higher concentrations of C reactive protein (CRP), aspartate aminotransferase and gamma-glutamyl transferase, while troponin T was higher in the white group. A greater proportion of ethnic minority patients were subsequently admitted to intensive care, but when the presenting biochemistry of this subset of patients was compared, no significant differences were observed between ethnic minority and white groups.ConclusionOur data show for the first time that routine biochemistry at hospital presentation in COVID-19 differs between ethnic minority and white groups. Among the markers identified, CRP was significantly higher in the ethnic minority group pointing towards an increased tendency for severe inflammation in this group.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 318-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zenonas TURSKIS ◽  
Zydrune MORKUNAITE ◽  
Vladislavas KUTUT

Cultural heritage item preservation, renovation and adaptation to the social needs of people, as well as their passing from generation to generation, is a problem relevant from economic, historical, archeological, religious, technological, research and other perspectives. They are typical strategic multi-criteria decision-making problems. The state institutions and the owners and managers of the heritage items invest in their preservation. In fact, every country has a great number of the registered heritage structures. To ensure their effective management and renovation, a lot of implementation projects and strategies should be developed and evaluated. This work requires large investments and time. The paper presents a hybrid model developed for ranking the heritage buildings intended for renovation according to their value. The model for problem solution based on integrated using two MCDM methods Analytic Hierarchy Process and EDAS. A set of the criteria for evaluating the projects, concerning the renovation of cultural heritage items defined.


Slavic Review ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 76 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
David Shneer

I began studying Soviet photography in the early 2000s. To be more specific, I began studying Soviet photographers, most of whom had “Jewish” written on their internal passports, as I sought to understand how it was possible that a large number of photographers creating images of World War II were members of an ethnic group that was soon to be persecuted by the highest levels of the state. I ended up uncovering the social history of Soviet Jews and their relationship to photography, as I also explored how their training in the 1920s and 1930s shaped the photographs they took during World War II.


2003 ◽  
Vol 35 (10) ◽  
pp. 1853-1876 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mike Raco

The reform of regional governance in the United Kingdom has been, in part, premised on the notion that regions provide new territories of action in which cooperative networks between business communities and state agencies can be established. Promoting business interests is seen as one mechanism for enhancing the economic competitiveness and performance of ‘laggard’ regions. Yet, within this context of change, business agendas and capacities are often assumed to exist ‘out there’, as a resource waiting to be tapped by state institutions. There is little recognition that business organisations' involvement in networks of governance owes much to historical patterns and practices of business representation, to the types of activities that exist within the business sector, and to interpretations of their own role and position within wider policymaking and implementation networks. This paper, drawing on a study of business agendas in post-devolution Scotland, demonstrates that in practice business agendas are highly complex. Their formation in any particular place depends on the actions of reflexive agents, whose perspectives and capacities are shaped by the social, economic, and political contexts within which they are operating. As such, any understanding of business agendas needs to identify the social relations of business as a whole, rather than assuming away such complexities.


2013 ◽  
pp. 21-33
Author(s):  
Marco Ricceri

The evolution of the European integration process and the foundation of the Union, invite us to consider the National welfare systems in a wider outlook: the European Social Model (ESM). Integration process and EU foundation are both essential components to the ESM and they receive constant impulse towards the adoption of modern practices and rules. Without reference to the European framework we run the risk to simplify the understanding of both specific features of the national welfare models and of the contribution given by the religious traditions to their development. It is at the European level that the Churches and the religious Congregations have been able to introduce several central elements in the new social policy guidelines valid for the all national systems. An analysis and assessment of the influence brought by the Churches to the E.U. becomes a key factor in a scientific analytical study. Chapter aims to discuss: a) approaches to the "Social Question" assumed by the European authorities; b) the social system as defined by the Lisbon Treaty (2007); c) a shared definition of the "European Social Model"; d) the influence of Religious Congregations to defining the E.U. principles; e) the support of the Churches towards a sustainable social and economic development.


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