How Social Ties with Undocumented Immigrants Motivate Latinx Political Participation

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110194
Author(s):  
Marcel Roman ◽  
Hannah Walker ◽  
Matt Barreto

Prior research suggests social ties with undocumented immigrants among Latinxs may increase political engagement despite constraints undocumented social networks may introduce. We build on prior research and find across six surveys of Latinxs that social ties with undocumented immigrants are reliably associated with collective, identity expressive activities such as protesting, but not activities where immigration may not be immediately relevant, such as voting. Moreover, we assess a series of mechanisms to resolve the puzzle of heightened participation despite constraints. Consistent with prior research at the intersection of anti-immigrant threat and Social Identity Theory, we find Latinxs with strong ethnic identification are more likely to engage in political protest in the presence of social ties with undocumented immigrants, whereas weak identifiers disengage. We rule out alternative mechanisms that could link undocumented social ties with participation including political efficacy, a sense of injustice, linked fate, acculturation, outgroup perceptions of immigration status, partisan identity, conducive opportunity structures, and prosociality. Our contribution suggests the reason social ties with undocumented immigrants are not necessarily a hindrance to political engagement among Latinx immigrants and their co-ethnics is because they can draw from identitarian resources to overcome participatory constraints.

2000 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-142 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Gorenburg

Support for nationalism among minorities in multiethnic countries has received a great deal of scholarly attention in recent years. Few of these studies, however, have delved into the social bases of support for nationalism within a particular ethnic group. Scholars who study nationalism usually assume that support for nationalism among the members of an ethnic group is either randomly distributed or identical for all members of the group. Both assumptions are implausible. This article seeks to show that support for nationalism among members of an ethnic group is neither constant nor random. Furthermore, it argues that the extent to which members of social subgroups within the ethnic group come to support nationalism is predictable and is based on a particular sequence of mobilization. This sequence depends on the extent to which members of each subgroup possess a sense of common collective identity and on the strength of their social ties with those who are at the forefront of the mobilization effort. Both of these factors in turn depend largely on the extent to which state institutions promote ethnic identification among the minority population and create links that increase the density of intragroup social ties. Ethnic institutions are thus the key factor in explaining the sequence by which social groups within an ethnic minority population come to support nationalism.


Author(s):  
Lucy Taksa ◽  
Glen Powell ◽  
Laknath Jayasinghe

The fundamental difference in focus between the fields of sociology and psychology, notably between discriminatory processes and cognitive processes, has limited attempts to consider intersectionality and Social Identity Theory (SIT) together. The aim of this chapter is to address this gap by combining intersectional and SIT approaches, recognizing their contributions and identifying issues and gaps. The chapter provides an overview of the epistemological and ontological differences between the two fields and the divergent ways intersectional and SIT scholars conceptualise individual and collective identity/ies. Close attention is given to the way multiple identities and groups are construed and interpreted. The chapter highlights the significance of conceptualizations of emergent identities, hybridity, practices and space for the study of identity. On this basis, itr examines how studies on spatial contexts of racialised masculinity and the bodily experiences of racialised men can enhance understandings of individual identity negotiations and group processes in specific locations.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Brittany Baltus

<p>Increasingly, both local and global organisations are implementing indigenous branding in their market offerings, regardless of whether they have ancestral connections to indigenous culture. However, numerous criticisms and claims of cultural appropriation have been raised in response to organisations’ commercialisation and commodification of indigenous culture through indigenous branding. This raises questions about the authentic and appropriate use of indigenous culture, language and iconography in commerce, particularly with regards to consumers perceptions of authenticity towards this use. As such, the purpose of this study was to understand consumers’ perceptions of authenticity in the context of indigenous (Māori) branding and organisational values.  In this study, a 2x2x2 between-subjects experimental design was conducted using an online questionnaire. Subjects in the study were presented with a scenario communicating information about a brands values (either conventional or tikanga Māori), and their proposed brand concept (either orthodox or Māori branding). As the purpose of the study was to investigate both Māori and non-Māori perspectives, the sample was comprised of 570 adult Māori and non-Māori consumers currently living in New Zealand. These subjects were randomly distributed to one of the eight experimental conditions. Data from the questionnaire was analysed using a factorial ANOVA.   The findings indicate that congruence among branding, organisational values and consumers’’ ethnic identification exerts the most leverage on consumers’ authenticity perceptions. Although, Māori consumers also perceived congruent (conventional) organisational values and (orthodox) branding as highly authentic. Interestingly, consumers, in general, found incongruent Māori branding and conventional values to be the least authentic, a finding attributed to issues of cultural appropriation. The results of the analyses contribute to the current understanding of perceived authenticity and indigenous brands. Moreover, this indigenous branding congruence effect extends social identity theory as it illuminates the fluidity of indigenous consumers social experiences and understandings. Managerially, marketers should be cognizant of the effects of congruence among branding, values and their target market, and make efforts to achieve congruence among these factors. If congruence cannot be achieved, then marketers should make efforts to be perceived as congruent through only communicating those factors which are congruent.</p>


2020 ◽  
pp. 3-29
Author(s):  
Gulnaz Sharafutdinova

The first chapter examines the phenomenon of a visible return of Soviet practices and institutions in “post-Crimea” Russia, along with the rising public support and approval for Joseph Stalin. Arguing against culturally based explanations that focus on the legacy of the Soviet man (homo sovieticus), it views these recent trends as a sign of strengthening of the Russian nationals’ sense of collective identity that is argued to be the most socially and politically significant achievement of Vladimir Putin’s leadership. This chapter presents the central argument of the book and the analytical approach that builds on social identity theory to explain “mature Putinism.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 83 (4) ◽  
pp. 342-362
Author(s):  
Zsófia Boda ◽  
Bálint Néray ◽  
Tom A. B. Snijders

This study examines ethnic integration in secondary school. Social identity theory suggests that perception of relevant individual attributes plays a crucial role in defining ingroups and outgroups, contributing to befriending, and disliking others. Therefore, we analyze the role of peer-perceived ethnicity in social ties. Networks of friendship, dislike, and perceived ethnicity were modeled together using dynamic stochastic actor-oriented models, separating the effect of perceived ethnicity on social ties from that of social ties on perceived ethnicity. Data came from a Hungarian sample of 12 school classes with one minority group: the Roma. Treating friendship and dislike as mutually exclusive and comparing them to neutral relations, we found evidence for the role of perceived ethnicity in dislike—majority students disliked those they perceived as minority peers. However, we saw no direct effect of ethnicity on the friendship network. Implications of the joint modeling of mutually exclusive relationship aspects are discussed.


Author(s):  
Wairagala Wakabi

Numerous researchers have found a correlation between citizens' use of social networking sites (SNS) like Facebook and their likelihood for eParticipation. However, SNS use does not have the same effect on all citizens' political engagement. In authoritarian countries, Facebook offers a platform for citizens to challenge the power of the state, provide alternative narratives and mobilise for political change. This chapter examines how using Facebook affects the participative behaviours of Ugandans and concludes that in low internet use, authoritarian contexts, the Civic Voluntarism Model's postulation of the factors that explain political participation, and the benefits Facebook brings to participation in Western democracies, are upended. Overwhelming detachment from politics, low belief in citizens' online actions influencing change and fear of reprisals for criticising an authoritarian president in power for 30 years, severely dulled the appetite for eParticipation. Hence, Facebook was growing citizens' civic skills but hardly increasing online participation.


1999 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 482-501 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ed Chung ◽  
Eileen Fischer

Reports a study of 214 Chinese Canadian consumers across eight product categories. This study shows that intracultural differences in consumer behavior are inadequately explained by the psychological construct of ethnic identification, and that additional explanatory power is achieved when incorporating the ethnic homogeneity of social ties. The results of the study support the proposition that the ethnic homogeneity of strong social ties exerts significant influence over an individual’s consumption of ethnic products, and is a much more robust predictor variable than ethnic identification. Also calls for a more theory‐based measure for the construct ethnic identification.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob Mwathi Mati

Struggles for transformation of the Kenyan constitution brought into alliances disparate movements from below, sections of middleclass, and factions of political, economic and religious elites, in challenging the government. The emergence of these alliances presents useful cases for examining the dynamic relationship and politics between these movements, and also for probing social movement theory. Specifically, given the centrality of identity consciousness in movements, how were intrinsic class, religious, gender, generational and ethnic identity interests, contestations and cleavages overcome to enable inter-identity alliances in these struggles? More critically, how relevant are the dominant social movement theories in explaining this phenomenon? Is theoretical straightjacketing useful for analysing movements with such diversity? Drawing from in-depth interviews and existing literature on Kenyan constitutional reform struggles, this paper illustrates how alliances between the different identities and movements were forged to allow for a common struggle. The paper further illustrates that while political opportunity structures explain certain aspects of this phenomenon, framing, civic education and community organising strategies were critical enablers for collective identity formation


2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-104
Author(s):  
Peter Nicolaus ◽  
Serkan Yuce

Yezidi communities throughout the world are struggling with their collective identity; each at a varying and somewhat differing stage of self-discovery. While the present paper does seek to elaborate upon this journey for the Yezidis in Transcaucasia, Germany, Canada, and the USA, its main focus remains the analysis of the political developments in the Yezidi heartland of Northern Iraq. This is so that the reader may have a fuller picture of the catalysts spurring this Yezidi reimagining. On the one hand, you have the traditional Yezidi leadership caught within a complex series of client-patron relationships with Kurdish leaders: ethnic identification is leveraged for promises of influence and power. While, on the other hand, newly minted Yezidi military commanders, as well as grassroot figures and Yezidi NGOs, are trying to establish themselves as heads of a Yezidi community that is undeniably distinct from their Kurdish neighbours. This paper will further show that the withdrawal of the Kurdish Peshmerga in the face of the ISIS attack in 2014, the half-hearted responses of the regional Kurdish and Federal Iraqi governments, all coupled with the stalled return of Yezidi refugees contributed to a growing Yezidi movement to cement their identity, as well as satiate a growing urgency to define themselves as a distinct ethnoreligious entity.


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