‘Cunning, Unprincipled, Loathsome’: The Racist Tail Wags the Welfare Dog

2007 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-623 ◽  
Author(s):  
GARY CRAIG

AbstractBritain's stance towards ethnic minorities has been janus-faced: developing an increasingly repressive and restrictive stance towards immigration, and – supported by a strident media – portraying minorities and migrants as undermining British culture and values, ‘sponging’ on the welfare state. Immigrants have been characterised as ‘cunning’, ‘loathsome’, ‘unprincipled’ and likely to ‘swamp’ British culture. Domestic policies of successive governments apparently balanced this stance with ‘community’-based initiatives, from race relations policies, community relations policies to present community cohesion policies. These have not fundamentally addressed the racism inherent in immigration policy and practice. The consequence is that the welfare of Britain's minorities – measured by outcomes in every branch of welfare provision – has largely been disregarded by the British state. Despite some liberal initiatives aimed at improving the lot of Britain's minorities, the racism inherent in policy and practice persists.

Author(s):  
Ralph Henham

This chapter explains the practical consequences of what has been proposed. It begins by evaluating current models and suggested approaches for incorporating public opinion into sentencing, explaining how the proposed changes would differ. It then sets out some practical reforms to sentencing in England and Wales, including greater coordination between the national regulation of sentencing discretion through the Sentencing Council and regional or community-based sentencing practices. Regional branches of the Sentencing Council are also advocated. In addition to further practical reforms, a greater role for the Sentencing Council in the ethical surveillance of sentencing, the development of new procedural rules, and enhanced training for judges and magistrates are proposed. Finally, a closer working relationship between the Sentencing Council, the courts, the CPS, defence lawyers, and the Probation Service is advocated to develop guidance clarifying their role within the new sentencing framework.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Struan Kennedy

This article proposes that of all the different ways that social connections are formed the most important factor is time. Given how central it is to the development of relationships, the article argues that projects aiming to improve community relations should extend their duration rather than truncate it for the sake of cost-efficiency or quick and apparent success. The project of specific focus is the making of community murals which is laden with potential but only when it is conceived in the entirety of the process rather than simply as an end product. This potential is based on the idea that more time, if used carefully and critically, can play a greater role in fostering positive relations in contexts where civic engagement is strained. Several case studies will be referenced from the United States of America and Northern Ireland, two societies that share both a tradition of mural making and social division, in terms of race relations and ethnonational/religious sectarianism respectively. Practical insights from these cases substantiate the central argument that the mural process affords moments for valuable cross-community contact, critical discussion, and meaningful reflection. When this approach is adopted, time can be best served in repairing social connections, creating new bonds and even mitigating further tension.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Mckendry

Abstract While Modern Languages are in decline generally in the United Kingdom’s post-primary schools, including in Northern Ireland (Speak to the Future 2014), the international focus on primary languages has reawakened interest in the curricular area, even after the ending in 2015 of the Northern Ireland Primary Modern Languages Programme which promoted Spanish, Irish and Polish in primary schools. This paper will consider the situation in policy and practice of Modern Languages education, and Irish in particular, in Northern Ireland’s schools. During the years of economic growth in the 1990s Ireland, North and South, changed from being a country of net emigration to be an attractive country to immigrants, only to revert to large-scale emigration with the post-2008 economic downturn. While schools in Great Britain have had a long experience of receiving pupils from diverse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, firstly from the British Empire and Commonwealth countries, Northern Ireland did not attract many such pupils due to its weaker economic condition and the conflict of the Northern Ireland Troubles. The influx from Poland and other Accession Countries following the expansion of the European Union in 2004 led to a sudden, significant increase in non-English speaking Newcomer pupils (DENI 2017). The discussion in Northern Ireland about a diverse democracy has hitherto concentrated on the historical religious and political divide, where Unionist antipathy led to the Irish Language being dubbed the ‘Green Litmus Test’ of Community Relations (Cultural Traditions Group 1994). Nevertheless, the increasing diversity can hopefully ‘have a leavening effect on a society that has long been frozen in its “two traditions” divide’ (OFMDFM 2005a: 10). This paper will revisit the role and potential of Irish within the curricular areas of Cultural Heritage and Citizenship. An argument will also be made for the importance of language awareness, interculturalism and transferable language learning skills in Northern Ireland’s expanded linguistic environment with a particular focus on Polish.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 269-276
Author(s):  
Doğa Başar Sariipek ◽  
Gökçe Cerev ◽  
Bora Yenihan

The focus of this paper is the interaction between social innovation and restructuring welfare state. Modern welfare states have been reconfiguring their welfare mixes through social innovation. This includes a productive integration of formal and informal actors with support and leading role of the state. This collaboration becomes significantly important since it means the integration of not only the actors, but also their capabilities and resources in today’s world where new social risks and new social challenges have emerged and no actor can overcome these by its own. Therefore, social innovation is a useful tool in the new role sharing within the welfare mix in order to reach higher levels of satisfaction and success in welfare provision. The main point here is that this is not a zero-sum competition; gaining more power of the actors other than the state – the market, civil society organisations and the family – does not necessarily mean that the state lost its leading role and power. This is rather a new type of cooperation among actors and their capabilities as well as their resources in welfare provision. In this sense, social innovation may contribute well to the debates over the financial crisis of the welfare state since it may lead to the more wisely use of existing resources of welfare actors. Thanks to social innovative programs, not only the NGOs, but also market forces as well as citizens are more active to access welfare provisions and social protection in the broadest sense. Thus, social innovative strategies are definitely a solid step taken towards “enabling” or “active” welfare state.


1989 ◽  
Vol 13 (7) ◽  
pp. 358-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sourangshu Acharyya ◽  
Sharon Moorhouse ◽  
Jafar Kareem ◽  
Roland Littlewood

Nafsiyat, a community based ‘intercultural therapy centre’, was set up in London in 1983 to provide psychotherapy for people from ethnic and cultural minority backgrounds.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 585-597
Author(s):  
Bahar Azadi ◽  
Julia Zélie ◽  
Florence Michard ◽  
Yazdan Yazdanpanah

Abstract HIV infection burden is globally high among transgender women (TGW) and particularly in TGW migrant sex workers and TGW subpopulations with structural inequalities like racism and classism. In addition to stigma related to transphobia, migrant TGW face multiple forms of discrimination because of intersection with other experiences of stigma related to migration and working as sex workers in the host society. This study explores the experiences of TGW seeking care in an HIV and STI clinic in Paris, to evaluate medical adherence, namely, the degree to which a patient is regularly followed up in care and adequately takes the treatment, and trans individuals' social inclusion in this health institution. We examined the different forms of HIV-associated stigma among TGW. A qualitative study was conducted using semistructural in-depth interviews with TGW receiving HIV care and HIV preventive measures. A description is given of how a community-based participation policy and practice in this clinic integrate an intersectional approach among TGW. This results in a high rate of medical adherence in TGW migrants and could lead to social integration.


Author(s):  
Olivier Esteves

The 1970s saw a growing challenge of assimilationist policies at the root of dispersal. Despite that, the hurdles to an efficient movement against it were many: the necessity to make a living among Asian immigrants, difficult access to information about dispersal schools, the fact that immigrants faced a bureaucracy which was opaque to them, etc. The Race Relations Board as well as the Ealing Community Relations Council proved instrumental in generating a growing awareness of the problems around and of the discriminatory nature of dispersal. For many Asians, the struggle against dispersal was primarily about equality and the recognition of a common human dignity, as is attested in some testimonies of former militants. In this chapter, the Kogan Report (commissioned by the RRB) is also analysed in depth, as well as the way dispersal illustrated in its last years a form of Welfare roll-back, rather than a policy of immigrant assimilation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 136248062091491 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leandro Schclarek Mulinari ◽  
Suvi Keskinen

This article builds on two interview studies on racial profiling conducted in Finland and Sweden. It examines policing practices in order to elaborate on the understanding of what we define as the ‘racial welfare state’. The analysis draws attention to the ways that bordering practices reproduce racial orders, within and beyond the nation-state. The embeddedness of the Nordic region in the western sphere, with its colonial legacies, is highlighted through the empirical material that focuses on the consequences of internal and external migration controls, as well as more general police stop-and-search practices. The study underlines the need to investigate racial profiling as a practice that enforces an imagined community based not on whiteness in general, but on Nordic whiteness in particular as the norm against which the bodies of ‘others’ are measured.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 463-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara Kalm ◽  
Johannes Lindvall

This article puts contemporary debates about the relationship between immigration policy and the welfare state in historical perspective. Relying on new historical data, the article examines the relationship between immigration policy and social policy in Western Europe in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, when the modern welfare state emerged. Germany already had comparably strict immigration policies when the German Empire introduced the world’s first national social insurances in the 1880s. Denmark, another early social-policy adopter, also pursued restrictive immigration policies early on. Almost all other countries in Western Europe started out with more liberal immigration policies than Germany’s and Denmark’s, but then adopted more restrictive immigration policies and more generous social policies concurrently. There are two exceptions, Belgium and Italy, which are discussed in the article.


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