POLITICS, PUBLIC FINANCE AND THE BRITISH–IRISH ACT OF UNION OF 1801

2000 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 353-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor McCavery
Keyword(s):  
Public Finance ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Forecasting ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Irish Rebellion

AbstractBEFORE the smoke of the Irish rebellion of 1798 had cleared, the British prime minister William Pitt was convinced of the necessity of a legislative union between Britain and Ireland. He broached the subject seriously with his cabinet colleague, Lord Grenville, on 2 June and by 4 June the joint post master general, Lord Auckland, an expert on Irish commercial affairs, was brought into Pitt's confidence. Pitt told Auckland that he and Grenville had been able to: ‘see daylight in almost everything but what relates to trade and revenue.' The subject of this paper is to discover how matters of trade and revenue were arranged in the Act of Union and to discuss some of the political difficulties which arose from implementing these arrangements. As the evolution of ministers' thinking is documented, the authorship of some points can be precisely identified and the thinking and tacit economic forecasting brought to light. This paper will suggest that the arrangements were intended to be generous to Ireland and contrasts with an Irish nationalist interpretation of the subject articulated in the early decades of the twentieth century. Then the difficulties that politicians experienced in executing policies within the framework laid down by these articles are considered. The whole vice-regal system of government was by no means guaranteed in the immediate post-Union period as it worked against the chancellor of the Irish exchequer in his attempts to manage Irish public finance.

Before Midnight

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rahul Sagar
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Foreign Relations ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Early Twentieth Century ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Jawaharlal Nehru

This chapter examines ideas about war, peace, and international relations over the century preceding independence, of which there were many more and in greater depth than widely supposed. It outlines how and why Indians first began to articulate views on the subject, and subsequently analyses these ideas. It proposes that, contrary to the opinion of some scholars, Indians thought carefully about the nature of international relations. Most importantly, it emphasizes the plurality of views on the subject, and explains how and why proponents of pragmatism in foreign relations came to be sidelined in the period immediately preceding independence. Several of the personalities developing notions of what a foreign policy for India should involve as of the early twentieth century, including India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, became important actors in formulating and implementing foreign policy post-independence.

Exploring (and Explaining) the British Prime Minister

2005 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 605-620 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Heffernan
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Chief Executive ◽  
The Political ◽  
Tony Blair ◽  
The Core ◽  
Economic Context ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Core Executive ◽  
Actual Degree ◽  
The Government

Institutions cannot be understood without exploring the actors who occupy them, while actors cannot be understood without examining the institutions they inhabit. Ultimately, the actions of both institutions and actors cannot be understood separate to the political, social and economic context within which they are located. Tony Blair, rightly cited as an example of a powerful prime minister, does not have a monopoly of power, but he does have an extensive authority. The prime minister requires two things to operate effectively within Whitehall and Westminster: first, power over their parliamentary majority; and second, power within the government they lead. Because this power is contested and challenged, the age-old question, the actual degree of collegiality within government, is as central to contemporary debates about the working of the core executive as to the ancient debate about prime ministerial versus cabinet government. The prime minister is therefore best modelled as a strong, but sometimes weak, parliamentary chief executive.

The Canadian Senate: Politics and The Constitution

1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Political ◽  
Canadian History ◽  
Political Controversy ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Prestige

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.

scholarly journals Internacjonalizacja. W kręgu nowej terminologii dwudziestowiecznej debaty ideologicznej i naukowej

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-109
Author(s):  
Ryszard Skarzyński
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Phenomena ◽  
The Subject

There are many specific concepts used in social sciences to describe social phenomena. In this text, the subject of research is internationalization, one of the new terms in the twentieth century, similarly to fascism, communism, authoritarianism, totalitarianism, the political, geopolitics, but also international relations and polyarchy. The article presents the meaning of the concept of internationalization, its genesis and relationships with specific social phenomena to which it should be applied during analysis.

The Political History of Nigeria's New Capital

1984 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 167-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Moore
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World Wide ◽  
National Development ◽  
Capital City ◽  
The Political ◽  
Military Government ◽  
The World ◽  
National Capital ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

On 4 February 1976 the Federal Military Government of Nigeria promulgated Decree No. 6, initiating the removal of the national capital from Lagos to Abuja. Thus Nigeria followed Brazil, Botswana, Malawi, Pakistan, and Tanzania to become the most recent developing country to arrange for a transfer of its centre of government. The proliferation of new capitals constructed in the twentieth century has captured the world-wide attention of geographers, architects, planners, and demographers, but the literature on the subject examines these projects almost exclusively with a focus on planning for national development. This viewpoint too often neglects politics as the paramount force in the relocation of a nation's capital city.

Nationalism, Historicism, Crisis

Why History? ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 191-245
Author(s):  
Donald Bloxham
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Function ◽  
The Political ◽  
National History ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Social ◽  
German Model ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Historical Thought

In the nineteenth century the general trend was away from grand comparative stadial theories and towards particularist accounts. The dominant historical rationale of the age was History as Identity, specifically national Identity. The first section of this chapter addresses the political context of so much historical thought across the Continent, with the French Revolution and its aftershocks prominent. The second section focuses on the main trends of the influential German historiography. At the same time, there were challenges to the prevailing German model of historiography even in its heyday: challenges in the 1860s are examined in the third section. Given the grand fluctuations in German political fortunes in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the accompanying turmoil in historical philosophy, Germany also features quite heavily in most of the remaining sections of the chapter. Here we examine how the particularizing, relativizing, tendency of a brand of historical thought turned in upon itself from around 1870, as some of the certainties of the nation-through-history were undermined by the effects of modernization and world conflict, and the social function of the historian became the subject of renewed debate. One upshot was a series of manifestos for scholarly neutrality, and a proceduralist emphasis on History as Methodology alone. As the German model of national History was weakened in the first half of the twentieth century, more space was created for competing methodologies within Germany too. The final section of this chapter considers some of those new alternatives.

You’ve Been Trumped!

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharine Dow
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World War ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Village

At the start of the twentieth century, the golf resort was the most important industry in Spey Bay alongside the salmon fishing at Tugnet. The golf links and hotel were originally built in 1907 and this was by all accounts a popular leisure destination, with the Lossiemouth-born former British prime minister Ramsay MacDonald a regular player in the 1920s, so there has in fact been over a century of tourism in the village. However, this declined during World War II, when the hotel was requisitioned for RAF troops based at Nether Dallachy, one mile southeast of Spey Bay. The hotel was largely destroyed in a fire in 1965 and later rebuilt with little of its former grandeur....

Functional features of the phraseological unit there is no money, but you hold on

2020 ◽  
pp. 39-45
Author(s):  
Maria S. Gerasimchuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Statistical Analysis ◽  
Speech Acts ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Electronic Media ◽  
The Political ◽  
Wide Context ◽  
Functional Features ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Figure

The article describes the phraseological unit of money that is not enough, and it operates on the political Internet, electronic media and social networks. She has every reason to succeed in this matter. Based on contrast, due to the semantics of the union, the expression repeats the logic of the object of perception of the words of Dmitry Medvedev, the subject of phrase-making. Despite the fact that everyone knows the wide context and the situation in which the expression is pronounced, the phrase is attributed to the former prime minister and is sometimes quoted in quotation marks. The statistical analysis over the years, given in the article, shows that the winged expression is increasingly firmly entering our language. The grammatical form of phraseological sentence is presented as a source of semantic transformations. In the basis of the change in the meaning of phraseological units, according to the author, there is a change in speech acts laid down in the form of a wish. The article presents the prospects of studying options, transformations and a syntactic model of the phraseological unit and idiol of D. Medvedev as a political figure.

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