Functional features of the phraseological unit there is no money, but you hold on

Author(s):  
Maria S. Gerasimchuk ◽  

The article describes the phraseological unit of money that is not enough, and it operates on the political Internet, electronic media and social networks. She has every reason to succeed in this matter. Based on contrast, due to the semantics of the union, the expression repeats the logic of the object of perception of the words of Dmitry Medvedev, the subject of phrase-making. Despite the fact that everyone knows the wide context and the situation in which the expression is pronounced, the phrase is attributed to the former prime minister and is sometimes quoted in quotation marks. The statistical analysis over the years, given in the article, shows that the winged expression is increasingly firmly entering our language. The grammatical form of phraseological sentence is presented as a source of semantic transformations. In the basis of the change in the meaning of phraseological units, according to the author, there is a change in speech acts laid down in the form of a wish. The article presents the prospects of studying options, transformations and a syntactic model of the phraseological unit and idiol of D. Medvedev as a political figure.

Author(s):  
О.В. Мифтахова ◽  
К.Г. Мокрова

Данная статья освещает специфику языковых средств, используемых в немецких СМИ для создания образа политического деятеля. Поскольку средства массовой информации обладают мощнейшим манипулятивным действием, они играют ведущую роль в формировании массового сознания и социального мнения. В СМИ специально создаются политические образы не только отдельных представителей власти, но и государств в целом. Политический имидж лидеров стран влияет на развитие международных отношений: от положительной или негативной окраски того или иного государственного деятеля напрямую зависит успешность проведения внешней политики страны. Цель статьи - рассмотреть на примере двух немецких политиков, Сары Вагенкнехт и Аннегрет Крамп-Карренбауэр, языковые средства создания имиджа, формирующие у аудитории данных деятелей субъективное мнение о них. СМИ выступает мощнейшим оружием в данном вопросе, придавая особую значимость тем или иным высказываниям политиков. Выражая собственную оценку, средства массовой информации незаметно влияют на сознание и суждения людей. Предмет исследования - средства выразительности, которые оказывают воздействие на создание положительных или негативных медиаобразов политиков Германии. Актуальность темы проявляется в необходимости правильно трактовать тонкости речи и письма, которые могут формировать оценочные мнения о том или ином политическом деятеле. This article considers the issues of language means of creating the image of a politician used in the German media. Since the media have a powerful manipulative effect, they play a leading role in creating mass consciousness and social opinion. In the media, political images are specially formed not only of individual representatives of the government, but also of the state as a whole. The political image of the leaders of states have the influence the development of international relations: the success of the country's foreign policy directly depends on the positive or negative coloring of a statesman. The purpose of the article is to examine, using the example of two German politicians, Sarah Wagenknecht and Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, as language means for creating an image, forming a subjective opinion of them among the audience. The media act as a powerful weapon in this matter, attaching particular importance to certain statements of politicians. Expressing their own assessment, the media imperceptibly affect the consciousness and judgments of people. The subject of the research is the means of expression that influence the creation of positive or negative media images of German politicians. The relevance of the topic is manifested in the need to understand the intricacies of speech and writing, which can form evaluative opinions about a concrete political figure.


1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.


2020 ◽  
pp. 33-41
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Anatolevich Kachusov

The subject of this article is the city protection movement in Barnaul. On the background of strengthening of authoritarian trends in political life of the country, takes place reorientation of the vector of civil activity from solution of the political problems of federal scale towards the local social issues. Namely the local public movements become an important element in the society of separate cities that allow the interaction between civil activists, society, and municipal authorities. The advancement of Internet and social networks greatly contributed to broadening of the audience of city protection communities, growth of opportunities for their influence upon public consciousness and government authorities. Assessment of the size, publication activity and staff composition of the city mono-problem communities in social networks in the key method for studying the city public movements. The research determined the presents of a number of organizations in Barnaul oriented toward the general questions (preservation of historical center of the city, protection of park zones, etc.), as well as solution of particular problems. The author also underlines a large portion of youth (below 30 years of age) among the members of city protection communities. Despite the fact that currently the social database is restricted, members of the communities actively participate in city life, using the Internet as an environment for public self-presentation and channel for communication with population, government, and mass media.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-44
Author(s):  
Renugah Ramanathan ◽  
Shamala Paramasivam ◽  
Tan Bee Hoon

Election campaigns are constantly regarded as a persuasive campaign to convince the nation to vote for the leader of a country. Being said such, this study investigates the discourse of twitter of two political premiers in Asia: Former Prime Minister of Malaysia, Najib Tun Razak (henceforth, Najib) and Prime Minister Narendra Modi (henceforth, Modi), in the aspects of discursive strategies and speech acts during election campaigns. The discourse of Najib and Modi are selected due to their active participation on Twitter throughout election campaigns. The data were collected over 3 months throughout the national elections of both the countries, which were from February to April 2013 in Malaysia and January to March 2014 in India. This qualitative study employs Wodak’s discursive strategies to analyze the lexical choices utilized in the election tweets and Searle’s speech act taxonomy to analyze the speech acts used. The presence of two major speech acts was highlighted during the elections: commissives and directives. These two speech acts collaborated under the hood of discursive strategies of predication and perspectivation that empowered Najib and Modi to establish a strong contact with citizens while creating a sense of integrity and oneness. This study is significant as it creates political and language awareness to citizens by denoting how political figures establish power through mutual consent with citizens using Twitter. Furthermore, this study enlightens citizens on how the 140-character tool can influence the political decisionmaking of a community.


2009 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 72-96
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Mok ◽  
Mitsuhiro Tokunaga

Against the political backdrop of what was arguably the lowest point in the China-Japan relationship in modern times, China had called for Japan to take “concrete actions to face up with … its history of invasion”. In response, Japan’s then Prime Minister, Junichiro Koizumi, issued a public apology at the Asian-African Summit on 22nd April 2005. His choice of words, “deep remorse” and “heartfelt apology”, did little to assuage the Chinese. What did these words really mean in the context of speech acts of apology? Was the apology considered to be an apology? How does this episode of apology fall into the current discussion of apology strategies? Was there lexical avoidance? Was there any discourse difference compared to previous apologies? This paper will attempt to answer these questions.


2000 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 353-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trevor McCavery

AbstractBEFORE the smoke of the Irish rebellion of 1798 had cleared, the British prime minister William Pitt was convinced of the necessity of a legislative union between Britain and Ireland. He broached the subject seriously with his cabinet colleague, Lord Grenville, on 2 June and by 4 June the joint post master general, Lord Auckland, an expert on Irish commercial affairs, was brought into Pitt's confidence. Pitt told Auckland that he and Grenville had been able to: ‘see daylight in almost everything but what relates to trade and revenue.' The subject of this paper is to discover how matters of trade and revenue were arranged in the Act of Union and to discuss some of the political difficulties which arose from implementing these arrangements. As the evolution of ministers' thinking is documented, the authorship of some points can be precisely identified and the thinking and tacit economic forecasting brought to light. This paper will suggest that the arrangements were intended to be generous to Ireland and contrasts with an Irish nationalist interpretation of the subject articulated in the early decades of the twentieth century. Then the difficulties that politicians experienced in executing policies within the framework laid down by these articles are considered. The whole vice-regal system of government was by no means guaranteed in the immediate post-Union period as it worked against the chancellor of the Irish exchequer in his attempts to manage Irish public finance.


1964 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 96-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Justus M. Van Der Kroef

On December 9, 1963, Singapore's Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, in presenting a general policy statement of his government for the coming year to the Singapore Legislative Assembly, noted that in Singapore's Nanyang University “a situation is developing which if left unchecked will make it more a University of Yenan than of Nanyang,” and that “Indeed the problems of Nanyang can never be resolved until the political abuse the Communists make of it is exposed and stopped.” Lee's remarks, like his previous ones on the subject of Nanyang University, did not fail to touch on a raw nerve of the University's problems. But as in the past, the raising of the spectre of Yenan has tended to obscure the complex patterns of pride and prejudice and the dilemmas of educational policy confronting the Malaysian Chinese community and indeed the hua ch'iao (Overseas Chinese) of Southeast Asia generally, of which the University is but an expression. Nanyang University's problems today provide an index to the paradoxes and the conflicting appeals as a whole that stir the community whose interests it was originally designed to serve.


2020 ◽  
Vol 224 ◽  
pp. 03013
Author(s):  
E.P. Okhapkina ◽  
V.P. Okhapkin ◽  
A.O. Iskhakova ◽  
A.Y. Iskhakov

Due to the high level of tension in modern society, social networks are widely used for destructive management of the information space. This aspect of the use of social networks has become particularly important in the light of events taking place in the world (Hong Kong, Syria, France and Ukraine). According to statistics, about 50% of politicized active groups of social networks are subjects to targeted control actions aimed at spreading negative moods in the political sphere. The escalation of conflicts in society generates the most dangerous type of destructive information influence (DII) that require rapid, large-scale coordination of participants in order to attract new supporters and their organizations. Massive DII on the participants of social networks groups exacerbated the problem of promptly identifying the facts of influence, and created serious prerequisites for the development and improvement of methods and means of identifying DII in social networks. The relevance of this problem is due to the existence of a number of methodological and technological problems in the subject area under consideration, one of them is the lack of patterns of network messages containing elements of DII. In the study, the authors consider an approach to designing a dictionary of patterns of destructive utterances.


Author(s):  
Kirill Sergeevich Korovin

The subject of this research is the political legal doctrine of Soviet constitutionalism during the period of establishment of the Soviet State. The author presents his interpretation of the political legal doctrine as a specific form of material incarnation of the idea of the state. Its Soviet version had certain historical and conceptual peculiarities. First and foremost, it implied the ideology of Marxism-Leninism, which fully determined the content of the fundamental notions and concepts of the political legal doctrine, developed in the constitutional commission of 1918. The framework of the Soviet constitutional system were reflected therein, as well as in the text of the Constitution of the RSFSR. It appears that ideocracy became the key vector of self-identification of the Soviet Russia. The analysis of the main ideological postulates of the Constitution of the RSFSR of 1918 allowed concluding that the Soviet State is a typical example of the ideocratic state, which should be interpreted as a social system founded on the dominant ideology. Its basis was the Soviet constitutional identity that predetermined the level of perception and approval of the government actions by the population. Methodological specificities of the analysis of the Soviet political legal doctrine reflected in its logical-theoretical framework and provisions. The logical-theoretical framework was analyzed via morphological (structural) approach that focuses on studying the structure of ideologies on the micro-level. The provisions of the political legal doctrine were reflected in the discussions and discursive practices in terms of the constitutional commission, which were examines in the course of this research via studying speech acts and political language.


Author(s):  
Igor Ponomarenko ◽  
Kateryna Volovnenko

The subject of the research is a set of approaches to the statistical analysis ofthe activities of small business entities in Ukraine, including micro-enterprises. The purpose of writing this article is to study of the features of functioningof small business entities in Ukraine. Methodology. The research methodology isto use a system-structural and comparative analysis (to study the change in thenumber of small enterprises by major components); monographic (when studyingmethods of statistical analysis of small businesses); economic analysis (when assessing the impact of small business entities on socio-economic phenomena andprocesses in Ukraine). The scientific novelty consists to determine the features ofthe functioning of small businesses in Ukraine in modern conditions. The influenceof the activities of the main socio-economic and political indicators on the activities of small enterprises in recent periods of time has been identified. It has beenestablished that there is flexibility in the development of strategies by small businesses in conditions of significant competition, which makes it possible to quicklyrespond to changing situations in specific markets. Conclusions. The use of acomprehensive statistical analysis of small businesses functioning in Ukraine willallow government agencies to develop a set of measures to optimize the activitiesof these enterprises, which ultimately will positively affect the strengthening oftheir competitiveness and will contribute to the growth of the national economicsystem.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document