Institutional Fragmentation and Scandinavian Childcare Variations

2005 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
DIETMAR RAUCH

Institutional fragmentation is usually assumed to influence social policy outcomes in countries with constitutional features such as federalism and divided government, but not in unitary and parliamentary states. The example of childcare politics in the Scandinavian countries suggests that institutional fragmentation and veto points also can play a significant role in unitary and parliamentary systems. The rules of childcare implementation in the Scandinavian countries to a varying degree provide municipalities and NGOs with veto opportunities and veto incentives against the realization of the central government's ambition of universal childcare coverage. In Norway but not in Sweden and Denmark municipalities and NGOs have been provided with significant veto opportunities as well as considerable incentives to act. This might help to understand why Norwegian childcare development has lagged behind its Scandinavian neighbours.

2000 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 825-844 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Karol

Scholars assert that divided government impedes the liberalization of U.S. trade policy. They claim that presidents favor freer trade and will use the negotiating authority Congress delegates to them to reach agreements lowering trade barriers. Since presidents gain more support from their congressional co-partisans, less liberalization ensues under divided government. This theory rests on the premise that party is unrelated to congressional trade policy preferences beyond legislators' tendencies to support their presidential co-partisans. Yet before 1970 congressional Democrats were relatively free trading regardless of the president's party affiliation. Since then, the same has been true of Republicans. Divided government facilitates the trade policies of presidents from the protectionist party since they win more support from their “opposition” in this area. Divided government does impede the efforts of presidents from the free-trading party to liberalize. I conclude that divided government has no consistent effect on trade policy outcomes.


2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marko Klasnja

Recent studies have suggested the existence of 'election-year economics' in fiscal policy in transition countries. This study asks whether such electoral cycles in aggregate measures (overall expenditures, revenues and balance) and spending composition (broad vs. targeted outlays) differ among countries with different political systems. This question is motivated by a sharp division between majoritarian presidential systems in Central Asia and Eastern Europe, and proportional-parliamentary systems in the Baltic's, Central and Southeastern Europe. Further, in the absence of context-sensitive theories, the paper asks whether observed outcomes in the transition process conform to the theoretical priors developed for conditions in stable democracies. Finally, the paper attempts to normatively establish whether either of the alternative combinations yields more optimal policy outcomes. The results suggest that the differences indeed exist, primarily on the revenue side and in the composition of expenditures. These results differ markedly from those for stable democracies, especially in the case of composition of spending. Normatively, presidential yields sub optimal outcomes in comparison to parliamentarians, likely due to inefficient system of constitutionally intended checks and balances. .


Author(s):  
Santiago Leyva ◽  
Carlos Andrés Olaya

This chapter explores persistent inequality and poverty for historically excluded groups despite dramatically increased expenditures in social policy as an issue of considerable importance in Colombia. It illustrates how the truncated nature of the Colombian welfare system contributes to the problem of poverty and inequality. It also documents how even the widespread use of targeted social policies for specific populations cannot attain the redistributive policy outcomes associated with a more general approach to welfare policy. The chapter introduces the general changes to social policies by looking into the expansion of basic welfare and then exploring the evolution of policy targeting. It points out the limited achievements of Colombia in terms of the redistribution of income through the concept of the truncated state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 135406882092349
Author(s):  
Juliana Chueri

The literature has pointed to a change in radical right-wing parties’ (RRWPs) position regarding the welfare state. Those parties have abandoned the neoliberal approach on distributive issues and have become defenders of social expenditure for deserving groups. Nevertheless, as RRWPs have joined with right-wing mainstream parties to form governments, their distributive policy position might cause conflict in a coalition. This study, therefore, addresses this puzzle by analysing the social policy outcomes of RRWPs’ government participation. The conclusion is that those parties contribute to the welfare state retrenchment. However, policies are not affected evenly. Expenditure that targets groups regarded as undeserving by the radical right is retrenched the most.


Author(s):  
Andrea Louise Campbell ◽  
Michael W. Sances

Public opinion alone cannot explain the trajectory of American social policy, but it is crucial in explaining the nature of social provision. Although most Americans are not highly knowledgeable about or interested in politics, and although their opinions are often shaped by misinformation, misperception, and framing effects, public opinion can offer broad guidance to politicians. Indeed, American social policy reflects majority preferences in a variety of ways: in the differential generosity of programs for "deserving" and "undeserving" target populations; in the extensive use of hidden and obscured modes of social provision such as tax expenditures; and in the modest degree of redistribution the American welfare state achieves. In addition, attentive and well-resourced members of the public, who receive the largest benefits from the system, have successfully prevented retrenchment attempts. Public opinion typically operates in conjunction with other factors, such as interest group influence or the institutional structure of the American system, to shape social policy outcomes.


2016 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIN YI CHEUNG ◽  
JENNY PHILLIMORE

AbstractThe population of refugees in the UK is expanding and will expand further given the UK Government's response to the European refugee crisis. This paper breaks new ground by undertaking a gender analysis of integration outcomes across a range of areas, namely social networks, language proficiency, health, education, employment and housing, that are highly relevant for social policy. Using the UK's only longitudinal survey on refugees, we conduct secondary data analysis to examine the factors associated with integration outcomes. We find significant gender differences in language, self-reported health, ability to budget for household expenses and access to formal social networks and quality housing, with women generally faring worse than men and some inequalities enduring or intensifying over time. We call for the recording of refugee outcomes in institutional monitoring data to enable inequalities to be identified and addressed. The findings also enable the identification of social policy areas in which a gender sensitive approach might be necessary.


Author(s):  
Micheal L. Shier ◽  
John R. Graham

The focus and aim of social policy in Canada have in part been determined by the unique sociohistorical and cultural context of the country. This entry provides a brief overview of the leading factors that have contributed to the development of social policy in Canada. Emphasis is placed on the economic, social, and cultural context of the development of the country, along with the system of governance and the ideological framework among the general populace. Following this contextualization, four dominant periods of social policy are described. These include the residual period, the emerging institutional period, the institutional period, and the postinstitutional period. In each era the forces leading to specific social policy outcomes are described. These include aspects of the changing economic system and emerging cultural and social needs among the population. Key social policies in each era are introduced and described. Fundamental to each period of social policy development are the efforts of the voluntary sector. In conclusion, future trends in social policy and social welfare in Canada are discussed.


Author(s):  
Philippa Levine

Early in the twentieth century, a powerful union of science and social policy emerged in countries across the world. Eugenics was a movement committed to using the principles of heredity and of statistics to encourage healthy and discourage unhealthy reproduction. Throughout the twentieth century, but especially in the earlier decades, eugenics played a significant role in shaping government policy. ‘The world of eugenics’ outlines the links between eugenics and social reform and the differences between positive and negative eugenics. It discusses how Nazism and eugenics became so closely connected; the rise of eugenics in science and culture worldwide; the approach to eugenics by different religions; and finally the forms of resistance to eugenics.


1998 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. 759-774 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Lowry ◽  
James E. Alt ◽  
Karen E. Ferree

Clear fiscal policy effects appear in American state gubernatorial and legislative elections between 1968 and 1992, independent of the effects of incumbency, coattails, term limits, and macroeconomic conditions. The results show that accountability is generally stronger following a period of unified party control than under divided government. Voter reactions to taxes and spending relative to the state economy are conditional on expectations, which differ for each party. Net of these expectations, Republican gubernatorial candidates lose votes if their party is responsible for unanticipated increases in the size of the state budget; Democrats do not and, indeed, may be rewarded for small increases. Independent of this, the incumbent governor's party is punished in legislative elections for failing to maintain fiscal balance. Taken together, these results show how electoral accountability for fiscal policy outcomes is strong but highly contingent on a complex configuration of party labels, partisan control, expectations, and institutions.


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