Bosses, Machines, and Democratic Leadership: Party Organization and Managers in Indiana, 1880–1910

1988 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 395-428
Author(s):  
Philip R. VanderMeer

American political parties achieved their peak importance during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Numerous voting studies have demonstrated the level and significance of party identification, and evaluations of legislative behavior have shown that party loyalty had a primary influence on roll call voting (Bogue, 1980; Kleppner, 1981; Thompson and Silbey, 1984). Surprisingly, other aspects of parties have received very little attention. Only a few scholars have examined the extent of party structure and activities or their connections with political culture and the broader political system (Jensen, 1969, 1971, and 1983; McGerr, 1986; Keller, 1977; Mayhew, 1986: 203–256, 308–332). Even fewer have evaluated systematically the overall patterns of committee membership and the characteristics of party leaders to determine which social and political qualities were important (Stave, 1970; Watts, 1979).

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 327-331
Author(s):  
Erindi Bejko

Abstract After emerging from communist dictatorship, with the implementation of the new political system, our country came under a few phenomena. As unlearned in this field started step by step to create a new political culture, pluralistic and built models of voting behavior. After years 90’ in everyday jargon of political discussion in Albania began to be used the stronghold, as a concept, in which showed the loyalty of the electorate in favor of one party. But over the years this process took shape choice of a phenomenon which became part of the scientific studies authenticated for representing fragments in certain parts of government either locally as well as centrally. Protracted situation of transition in Albania, forced international institutions to recommend the change of territorial configuration of the country. Political parties are often seen as actors who abuse their powerful position to extort bribes, providing members and followers with lucrative positions in public, or to channel public resources into the hands of party leaders and supporters. The main functions of political parties in modern democracies include mobilizing voters to support political agendas, selection of candidates for public office and the organization of election campaigns.


1965 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ira Ralph Telford

A chief criticism of the American party system is the lack of party responsibility. In the view of some students, one characteristic of our political system that contributes to this irresponsibility is the practice in some states of allowing individuals to vote in primaries without regard to their partisan allegiances. In such an open primary Republicans may, if they wish, vote in the Democratic primary, and vice versa. The contrasting, and more common, practice is the closed primary, in which participation is restricted to party “members.” Some political scientists think that the closed primary, by subjecting legislators to the presumed discipline of periodic scrutiny by their party's members, induces a greater measure of party regularity than the open primary, in which the official has to satisfy a more motley clientele. This position was taken in the best-known statement of the “party government” school, the 1950 report of the APS A Committee on Political Parties:The closed primary deserves preference because it is more readily compatible with the development of a responsible party system…. on the other hand, the open primary tends to destroy the concept of membership as the basis of party organization.Other political scientists have expressed doubts about this presumed relationship between primaries and party responsibility, but there has been no systematic empirical evidence on the point. This paper will examine the relationship between primaries and party responsibility by comparing the party regularity of senators from open primary and closed primary states.


1969 ◽  
Vol 63 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-167
Author(s):  
Peter G. Snow

Students of Latin American political parties have long assumed a strong correlation between social class and party identification, yet this assumption has never been tested empirically in any of the Latin American nations. This is probably due in large part to the lack of reliable survey data; however, even the mass of aggregate voting data has seldom been analyzed systematically. As a result, most of what we know—or think we know—about voting behavior in Latin America is based upon the intuitive assumptions of North American scholars. “If I were a member of the Chilean middle class, I would probably vote for the Radicals or Christian Democrats, but on the other hand if I were quite wealthy I would probably vote for the Conservatives.”Students of Argentine politics assume that the Conservative parties, always representing the interests of the nation's aristocracy, have received the bulk of their votes from the large landowners; that the interests of this group consistently have been opposed by the Radical parties who receive their electoral support from the urban middle classes; and that the more recently formed Peronist parties have championed the cause of, and been supported at the polls by, the industrial workers. It is the purpose of this article to test these assumptions, primarily through analysis of aggregate voting data, but also by examining the social backgrounds of party leaders and their actions while in power.


Subject Party congresses' ratcheting up of political tensions. Significance Many of the divisions and problems present in executive, legislative, judicial and other institutions at all administrative levels in Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH) derive from structural weaknesses in the political scene and poor political culture. All main parties are likely to maintain or further radicalise their positions, destabilising an already difficult political situation. This, in turn, could bring down the reform agenda which is under a tight, year-end deadline, jeopardising financial liquidity and challenging an EU breakthrough. Impacts The easy re-election of party leaders with little or no opposition shows the continuing low level of democracy and political pluralism. Some parties' congress declarations clearly show the further advance of radical nationalist and separatist agendas. BiH's patronage system will continue to impair the capacities of political parties and the effectiveness of government institutions.


2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 284-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristin Kanthak

Although political parties in U.S. legislatures cannot compel discipline with the threat of expulsion from the legislature, they can encourage greater party loyalty by strategically bestowing benefits upon favored members. This article explores the use of plum committee assignments to encourage legislators' loyalty to their parties. I outline a theory of how party leaders can use committee assignments strategically to encourage more loyal legislative behavior. This occurs when legislative rules meet two criteria: (1) parties and their leaders can determine who serves on committees and (2) committees have real authority over policy outcomes. I test the theory using data from five state legislatures that differ on the relevant set of legislative rules, finding more party loyalty shown by legislators who receive plum committee assignments when rules meet both criteria and no effect when they do not.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 215-227
Author(s):  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Zainab Asif Dar ◽  
Kishwar Munir

Political communication is one of the major aspects of any political system. The speeches of politicians, especially the political party leaders, are an important source of political awareness regarding pertinent issues facing any country. However, politicians often rely on political rhetoric to appeal to the emotions of prospective voters. This paper explored the use of political rhetoric in political discourse in Pakistan. Political rhetoric pertains to exaggeration of reality and distortion of facts to change the views and perception of the public. Politicians actively use this as a tool to gain the support of their potential voters in their electoral campaigns. The researchers analyzed the statements of leaders of three major political parties in Pakistan. It has been concluded from this research that politicians focus on populist political rhetoric when they address their voters to garner support rather than educating them about real political, social, and economic challenges. Thus political rhetoric is a significant factor in voting behavior.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Maiwan

The interest groups have a strategic position in society as a liaison between the community and government. Its presence to dynamic of political system. There are several types of interest groups, namely: Anomic groups; nonassosiasional; institutional; associational. The emergence of interest groups are going along with the rapid expansion of government's role in all areas of life. When expressing their interest to the government, interest groups use two ways: First, sell the issue to the political parties. Second, direct express their aspirations to the government. The method used is through; lobbying, mass media campaigns, as well as grass-roots pressure. The success to influence of the government depend on some aspects such as: Political culture, institutional structure, character and the party system, character and style in public policy.


Author(s):  
Konstantine Shubitidze ◽  
Tornike Tevdoradze

Caucasus is one of the most popular region for the world in the political view. Three countries – Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan – are part of that region. Despite of the close ties between them and the neighborhood, they have political system similarities and differences as well.  In the paper, we will discuss and compare those three countries from different points of view: political regimes, types of government, number of ministries, economics, political culture, political parties in the parliament and demography. We will find out which country is much forward in these spares, what are their problems and perspectives, what their main political course is and how they interact to each other. In addition to that, we will also discuss and prove our statements by the statistical data of democracy level or political transparency. In addition, it will show some actual problems in the region to the reader and finally it will draw clear picture of the political environment in the region. Keywords: Political Regimes, Democracy, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Ministries, Government, Political Parties, Demography, Economy, Political Culture


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Петр Кузьмин ◽  
Petr Kuz'min

In the textbook based on the study of various literary sources and the basic laws of post-Soviet States set out a theoretical-methodological situation analysis the political system of society, are considered key components of political systems of emerging post-Soviet societies. The main attention is focused on the functional characteristics of state institutions, the role of political parties, political culture and ideology in the formation and development of political systems of post-Soviet countries. It is intended for students studying in the direction of training 41.03.04 "political Science". It can be useful for students of other fields of study, graduate students and all interested in political science problems of the post-Soviet States.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 594-608 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig M Burnett

Canonical models of urban politics have often treated political parties as clientelistic patrons rather than ideological entities. I argue that parties play an important role in organizing local legislatures at the microlevel. I examine the influence of political parties in local legislatures by systematically analyzing elected officials’ behavior. By examining roll call votes cast by city council members in San Diego, I conclude that partisan coalitions play an important role in structuring local politics. My results suggest that elite party membership predicts legislative behavior—even in nonpartisan legislatures—which may help explain why partisan versus nonpartisan elections do not produce divergent policy outcomes at the macrolevel.


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