scholarly journals The Interplay of Rhetoric and Voting Behavior in Pakistan: The Perspective of Youth

2020 ◽  
Vol V (II) ◽  
pp. 215-227
Author(s):  
Shabnam Gul ◽  
Zainab Asif Dar ◽  
Kishwar Munir

Political communication is one of the major aspects of any political system. The speeches of politicians, especially the political party leaders, are an important source of political awareness regarding pertinent issues facing any country. However, politicians often rely on political rhetoric to appeal to the emotions of prospective voters. This paper explored the use of political rhetoric in political discourse in Pakistan. Political rhetoric pertains to exaggeration of reality and distortion of facts to change the views and perception of the public. Politicians actively use this as a tool to gain the support of their potential voters in their electoral campaigns. The researchers analyzed the statements of leaders of three major political parties in Pakistan. It has been concluded from this research that politicians focus on populist political rhetoric when they address their voters to garner support rather than educating them about real political, social, and economic challenges. Thus political rhetoric is a significant factor in voting behavior.

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-122
Author(s):  
Pia Khoirotun Nisa

Muhammadiyah is one of the elements from the public room of Indonesia, it accepts amount of political policies from the power of nation and responses them as the tradition of its organization. The special characteristic of organization determines political communication that is used. In doing political communication, the political elite of Muhammadiyah has to be able to play very important role in a political system because it becomes determined part from the process of political socialization, political culture, political participation and political recruitment.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Moh Ali Wafa ◽  
Sudirman Abbas ◽  
Umar Sulaiman

AbstractThis study aims at examining the law and impact of corrupt politician behavior on public trust in political parties and the efforts of reforms by the parties. Using the survey method, this study has come to the following conclusions. (1) the corruption committed by politicians mostly occurs due to the work pattern and the Indonesian political system which develops towards political apathy, in which regeneration does not optimally take place, while the drive to maintain power and dominate the political parties in the state system is increasing; (2) the corruption does not only influence the public trust in political parties, but also the perspective and paradigm of society towards the political system and government in Indonesia. (3) The impact of this political apathy, which we might be able to see from how the radicalism and extremism easily exist and develop in Indonesia. An encouragement to even create a new system is present from this political apathy. If this is not immediately corrected, a change in the system in Indonesia can probably occur.Keywords: Law, Corruption, politicians, Political Parties, Community Trust. 


The consolidation of local democracy will be realized well if the political information provided by the electoral institutions and political institution through political communication can encourage people to get a 'nutrition' receive political information, so they can learn about politics. Political information in simultaneosly election is part of candidate “candidates pair” a Mayor Cimahi City can do political communication for competing to provide on political information about prospective policy choice that will be submitter later. When the political information of the citizen is fulfilled, the citizen can choose with a large responsibility and rationally to choose leader in their area, based on considerations that the common benefit of the people themselves. In 2017 is a political year for 101 regions that held the head simultaneous elections (Pilkada) throughout in Indonesia. There are 7 Provinces, 76 District and 18 Cities that participate in the simultaneous elections. One of the 18 cities that held the elections was Cimahi City. Cimahi City has a permanent voter list of 375,722 people who use its sovereignty to elect a Mayor candidate who will lead the region for the next 5 years. In the party of democracy, it is fundamental that political information becomes a reinforcement in political cognition that will be implemented in the space of political participation itself. Political education is an obligation for political organizers, especially for the General Election Commision (KPU) Cimahi City and Political Parties to provide political information to the public.


Author(s):  
Ilya Viktorovich Nikolaev

This article raises a problem of existence of the verbal political symbols of autocratic discourse in public space. The hypothesis is advanced that in the conditions of centralization of the Russian political system, forms a specific type of discursive loyalty, interpreted as communicative behavior within the framework of the structure of verbal political symbols set by the official political discourse. The object of this research is the Russian sociopolitical discourse of Russia in the early XXI century. The subject is the instruments of manifestation of discursive loyalty used by public actors. Special attention is turned to the public attitude on verbal symbols of the country’s leader, political parties and bureaucracy in the conditions of centralization and personification of power over the period from 2000 to the present. An attempt is made to formulate the typology of discursive loyalty based on the components of perception of political symbols indicated by R. Cobb and C. Elder. Three basic types of discursive loyalty are defined depending on the dominance of separate components in perception: 1) affective, based on emotional empathy with the content of the discourse of power and its source; 2) cognitive, based on recognition of the relevance of verbal symbols of the discourse of power; 3) analytical, based on rational choice of the verbal symbols of power upon availability of the alternative or evasive option. Types of loyalty are illustrated by examples of discursive behavior of the subjects of civil society of the early XXI century – presidency and prime-ministry of V. V. Putin, whose personal influence actualized the affective type of loyalty, and the results of transformation of the political system led to proliferation of analytical type of loyalty. The author believes that the prevalence of analytical type of discursive loyalty is dangerous for the political system, due to its simulated nature, which creates an illusion of public support.


Author(s):  
Will Jennings

“Mechanisms of representation” relate to the organization of politics and its consequences, and the processes through which interests or preferences are represented in the political system and the outcomes of public policy. This article explores a diverse set of mechanisms through which politics is organized, and through which the preferences or interests of the public, voters, groups, and economic interests are either advanced or obstructed. Traditional approaches of political science often adopted a narrow focus on the formal democratic qualities of elected government and the pluralism of the political system in incorporating different interests or preferences into the decision-making process and policy outcomes. Later waves of research sought to explore bias in mechanisms of representation, such as the disproportionate influence of interest groups in the governmental process and the power of agenda setting in determining which issues make it onto the decision-making table and when. Nevertheless, there continues to be considerable interest in the role of formal political institutions in determining the performance of representative democracy, how political parties act as vehicles for representation, and how elections can provide mandates to governments and enable voters to reward or punish political parties or candidates for the quality of their representation or performance. Indeed, a growing field of enquiry identifies a direct link between the preferences of the public and their representatives, either in the representation of constituency opinion or in the responsiveness of the political system as a whole. Despite this pervasive concern throughout the discipline of political science with the functioning of democratic politics, important changes in modern states, economies, and societies occurring outside elected institutions also shape representation, particularly as executive governance and politics has assumed increasing importance. The conventional understanding of mechanisms of representation is built upon shifting sands, with the emergence of the “regulatory state” and the decline of traditional distributive and command activities of government, and with ever more “networked,” “nonhierarchical,” and “transnational” modes of governing—often by unelected authorities. These changing institutional arrangements also reflect a response to the rise of risk as a focus of organization, as traditional social and economic cleavages are redrawn and reconstructed around questions of risk—often manmade, created through scientific innovation or economic progress. These changes point toward the changing battleground for representation both of public and political interests and the increasing importance of understanding questions of bureaucratic politics and control, transnational regulation, the management of risk, and the preoccupation of officeholders with the avoidance of blame. Mechanisms of representation shed light on all these things and more, encompassing the role of institutions in reflecting public or private interests in the decision-making process.


2013 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Atie Rachmiatie ◽  
O Hasbiansyah ◽  
Ema Khotimah ◽  
Dadi Ahmadi

Freedom of information has become a momentum for the effort to realize good governance and promote democratic governance system in Indonesia. With the enactment of Freedom of Information Law No. 14 of 2008, the public was given access to the right of public information as human right such as  guaranteed by law. Public freedom of  information should encourage public participation. Political parties as public institutions also have to give  information  in the service of the public who wish to access any kind of information which is regulated by law. However, based on reports ICW, how difficult political parties provide the information requested by the ICW. This Article examines the political culture, political communication strategies and public freedom of information within the political parties.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (1and2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rishikesh Kumar Gautam

The main purpose of this paper is to find out the influence of News Talk Shows in creating political efficacy among educated youth. The researcher wants to measure the level of political efficacy, that is, level of awareness and level of political participation based on the fact that how much educated youth are influenced by News Talk Shows regarding politics. News Talk Shows are helpful in changing the political structure, political system and political development. Media is a lifeline of socialization. This Paper also develops a framework of political socialization in India. Public opinion is made in democracy by voting and responding to polls besides participating in elections. Special emphasis has been put on electioneering campaigns, voting behaviors and role of media in creating political awareness. Universe for the present study consists of Devi Ahilya University Students, Indore. The researcher has selected 100 samples in nineteen departments of this university.


2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 500-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Itzhak Galnoor

AbstractJudicialization in this article is the predisposition to find a solution in adjudication to types of dispute that had been settled previously in a socio-economic-political framework. “Legislative judicialization” (or over-legalization) is also a predisposition according to which the variegated spheres of our lives need to be regulated through a formal code of laws. In the political arena the questions relating to judicialization are: Is the assumption that legal decisions are able to save politics – mainly democratic values and abiding by the derived rules of the game – a valid one? Can one institution of the political system (broadly defined) – the law court – rescue the two other, the parliament and the government, in difficult times? Assuming that “successful” intervention by the judicial institution will cause the other two to abide strictly by the rule of law, could it at the same time curb their effective steering capacity, which is their main task? And conversely, if the steering capacity and the leadership ability to make “good” decisions are so flimsy – would it not be desirable to have judicial review to ensure that the political institutions at least make “proper” decisions that are not extremely unreasonable? These are the main questions discussed in this article.The findings regarding the judicialization of politics point out not only to the eagerness of the law courts, but mainly to the weakening of the political system, to the point where the Knesset, the Government and the political parties find it most difficult to function without the assistance given them by the law courts. And yet, did the judicial branch “save” the other two branches? Obviously, this has not happened thus far. In Israel, a profound democratic deficit exists in the political system due to the fact, among other things, that the political institutions are incapable of coping with the continuing internal and external crises. In Israeli society, judicialization is but a symptom of a wide-ranging predicament that requires a richer bill of fare than more laws and more adjudication. It consists of: the social grounding of democratic values; renewal of trust and confidence in the political institutions; strengthening the political parties; recognition of the contribution of civil organizations and the media; strengthening the local authorities, and more. This is the real arena, because there is a breaking point to the over-judicialization of the public sphere beyond which lies total anarchy.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anders Esmark

The basic proposition of this article is that the democratic potential of professionalization clearly outweighs the problems, at least in the Danish case, but probably also more generally. Thus, my claim is that the professionalization of political communication contributes positively to the development of the public sphere and more democratic communication in the political system as well as the journalistic system. This claim is, however, not based on critical public sphere theory, but rather sociological systems theory headed first and foremost by Niklas Luhmann. Thus, the article introduces the functionalistic strategy of analysis of systems theory as an alternative to what could be called the utopian method of critical public sphere theory. In the final instance, the choice between these two traditions is simply a matter of analytical approach.


2021 ◽  
pp. 46-57
Author(s):  
Skirmantė Biržietienė ◽  
Eglė Gabrėnaitė

Candidate programs are a publication of political parties during the agitation campaign, which presents the political attitudes of a political actor and influence voters’ motivation to vote in elections. The electoral candidate program illustrates a politician’s relationship with voters. It is an element of political communication, part of the image of a political figure. The article deals with the rhetoric of electoral candidate programs announced before the elections to the Seimas, the European Parliament, and Municipal Councils (2014–2019). The aim is to identify and expand the characteristic rhetorical elements that allow qualifying political electoral programs as a specific genre of political rhetoric: at the inventive level, the study of rhetorical strategies includes the analysis of rhetorical reasoning, the relationship between a political actor and a voter; at the dispositional level, the composition of programs is analyzed; and finally, at the elocutionary level, the specifics of the linguistic expression of discourse are investigated. A rhetorical study of discourse revealed that, in many cases, the electoral candidate program functions as a tool for building the image of a political actor, a tool for discrediting opponents and spreading populist promises.


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