scholarly journals The 1949 sterling crisis and British policy towards European integration

1985 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Newton

Most commentators on the 1949 sterling crisis have viewed it as an episode with implications merely for the management of the British economy. This paper, based on the public records now available, discusses the impact of the crisis on British economic foreign policy. In particular it suggests that the crisis revealed deep Anglo-American differences, centring on the nature of the Marshall Plan, on the international value of the sterling area, and on the proper relationship between the United Kingdom and Western Europe, Ultimately the British succeeded in resolving these disagreements: but this triumph ironically implied both the defeat of British aims in post-war European reconstruction and a long term delusion that great power status could be maintained on the basis of a special relationship-with the United States.

2010 ◽  
Vol 106 (3) ◽  
pp. 891-900 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nick Haslam ◽  
Peter Koval

The citation impact of a comprehensive sample of articles published in social and personality psychology journals in 1998 was evaluated. Potential predictors of the 10-yr. citation impact of 1,580 articles from 37 journals were investigated, including number of authors, number of references, journal impact factor, author nationality, and article length, using linear regression. The impact factor of the journal in which articles appeared was the primary predictor of the citations that they accrued, accounting for 30% of the total variance. Articles with greater length, more references, and more authors were cited relatively often, although the citation advantage of longer articles was not proportionate to their length. A citation advantage was also enjoyed by authors from the United States of America, Canada, and the United Kingdom. 37% of the variance in the total number of citations was accounted for by the study variables.


Author(s):  
D L Tolley ◽  
G J Fowler

This paper examines the impact of the Public Utilities Regulatory Policies Act (PURPA) in the United States and the Energy Act 1983 in the United Kingdom on the nature of the purchase tariffs for co-generators and combined heat and power (CHP) plant, and considers the reasons why the prospects for investment by private generators might be enhanced in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 165-190
Author(s):  
P. I. Falaleev

The development and implementation of the Marshall Plan has been studied quite thoroughly in both Russian and foreign academic literature. Nevertheless, certain aspects of this problematique require further examination, particularly the reaction of the Western European countries to the initiative of the Secretary of State G. Marshall, as well as the impact of the Plan on the process of the European integration in general. The paper demonstrates that this reaction was far from simple and often contradictory since the key Western states had very different views on the future of mutual relations, as well as on the prospects for post-war recovery and development of Europe. The paper examines the evolution of the French and British leaders’ views on these issues from the first discussions of the projects to provide US aid to Western Europe to the implementation of the Marshall Plan. The negotiations revealed significant points of disagreement among the parties particularly regarding the relations with the USSR, the German question, and conditions for receiving assistance from the United States. The author stresses that the need to defend their interests during the course of negotiations with the US representatives contributed greatly to the rapprochement of Britain and France and, at the same time, catalyzed debates on the integration of Western Europe. In this regard the author emphasizes that the idea of regional economic integration received mixed reaction in the American elites. While some considered this process as an effective means of bringing the Western countries together, particularly, over the German question, others feared that integration of Western Europe could potentially lead to the emergence of a new competitor to the USA. The author concludes that the growing popularity of integration projects in Europe in 1947–1948 stemmed from a range of factors, including both a combination of internal European political processes and short-term and long-term consequences of the Marshall Plan. Whereas in terms of economic development of Western Europe the latter were rather ambiguous and are still the subject of controversy, in terms of world politics the Marshall Plan exacerbated block-to-block confrontation in Europe, characteristic of the Cold War period.


2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 445-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucie Laurian

Toxic sites worldwide expose millions to environmental and health risks. In response, public agencies in Western Europe and the United States have begun to identify and remediate contaminated sites. Public participation in cleanup decisions is a critical part of this process. US agencies increasingly rely on Community Advisory Boards (CABs) to facilitate long-term participation. CABs are intended to inform and consult the public and integrate citizens' input in cleanup decisions. Recent research, however, finds that participatory processes often fall short of their objectives. This paper examines the performance of CABs in involving the public in toxic sites cleanup decisions in the United States. The research (1) develops a conceptual framework and a quantitative methodology to assess CABs; and (2) uses this methodology to assess whether CABs achieve successful participation. The analysis targets CABs at five toxic sites in Tucson, Arizona, and builds on the content analysis of eighty-one CAB meeting minutes, twenty-seven interviews with CAB members, and a survey of eighty residents around three of the sites. The key findings are that, although CABs successfully diffuse information from agencies to CAB members and (to a lesser degree) gather feedback from CAB members, they fail to inform the general public and provide community feedback to the agency.


Author(s):  
Shehzad Nadeem

This chapter considers how the offshore outsourcing of white-collar service work set off something of a moral panic in Western Europe and the United States. Some believed that such outsourcing was salubrious in the long term and consistent with broad trends of economic restructuring. To others, it heralded a new era of job loss and economic vulnerability. The chapter explains how, in both cases, the international trade in services became a synecdoche for the promise and peril of increasing global interdependence. It examines how offshoring has crept into the service sector and tackles questions that nobody seems prepared to answer: about concession bargaining, about the denial of workers' rights in Export-Processing Zones, and about the impact on wages and working conditions in the United States. Finally, it discusses the offshore outsourcing of service work from the Indian perspective.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kent V. Rondeau

This essay explores and examines how rankings and league tables have played (and continue to play) a major andconsequential role in how contemporary business schools manage their affairs. It introduces and advances theproposition that rankings promote the short-term manipulation of public reputation (image) projected by businessschools at the expense of the long-term investments in quality improvement. When schools shift scarce resources toactions aimed at enhancing their public image in the short-term, the consequences for the quality of the professionaleducation is significantly compromised in the long-term to the detriment of the constituencies that they serve. Whilethis paper focuses mainly on business schools in the United States and Canada, where this author has experiencedthese consequences first-hand, the effects are similar if perhaps less dramatic, for those professional businessprograms located in higher education institutions operating in the United Kingdom and Europe. While rankingsystems are not going away anytime soon, some potential ways are identified for business schools to escape thedeleterious and perverse effects of being captive players in the deadly rankings game.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-11
Author(s):  
Zoe Druick

Over the past twenty years, the Canadian television landscape has come to increasingly resemble the market-driven television of the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia, to name only the other major English-language industries. Sports, reality TV, and sci-fi drama dominate, and the public elements of the system are increasingly under siege. How did this happen? A look back over the decisions of the past two decades makes it apparent that Canada’s regulatory agency the CRTC has repeatedly enabled the system we now see. These changes are the direct result of NAFTA (the North American Free Trade Deal, signed in 1994), which drastically altered the cultural industries in Canada and led to an entrepreneurial approach to television. Since then, there has been a concerted shift toward an export-oriented industry, provoking a new emphasis on the global trade of cultural products (Edwardson 2008). In effect, even before the impact of the Internet, as the cable dial expanded, and sponsorship was diluted, production costs were pushed down and new, cheaper formats were created. At the same time, ownership became more consolidated and the telecommunication industry merged with the broadcast industry hoping to cash in on the promises of digital and wireless technologies. The CRTC enabled these shifts with the stated intention of increasing Canadian television’s competitiveness at an international level (CRTC 1999).


1997 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Gehler ◽  
Wolfram Kaiser

During the Cold War era the smaller states in Western Europe were confronted with numerous external pressures. These included most of all the need for closer economic co-operation within Western Europe to sustain the process of post-war economic and political reconstruction and the impact on Europe of the confrontation between the new superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union. The responses of the smaller states to these external pressures varied considerably between two poles: on the one hand, a policy of active integration, with common policies and the transfer of at least some degree of national sovereignty to common institutions, and, on the other, a policy of neutrality, either chosen freely or initially forced upon, to retain as much decision-making autonomy as possible, while safeguarding core economic interests through intergovernmental co-operation. The choice of strategy depended not only on the character and degree of the external political pressures, but also on the respective historical preconditions and on what domestic and external aims the smaller states hoped to achieve with their policies.


1993 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nigel John Ashton

The creation of the Baghdad Pact, a regional defence organization linking Britain to Iraq, Turkey, Iran and Pakistan, in 1955, has been surrounded by historiographical confusion. Much of this is explicable in terms of the impact of rapid international changes on long-term strategy, the importance of which has tended to be neglected by historians of the pact. So, one school of thought focuses on the American promotion of the ‘Northern Tier’ concept during the period 1953–4, and on the British preference for an organization based on her Suez Canal Zone Base in Egypt.1 Applyingthis concept to the year 1955, the Baghdad Pact can become ‘the United States’ final victory over Great Britain during the Cold War, a victory which the Suez Crisis of 1956 served to confirm.


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