Lessons in International Communication: Carr, Angell and Lippmann on human nature, public opinion and leadership

2007 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 615-635 ◽  
Author(s):  
ALAN CHONG

AbstractThe sub-field of International Communication within International Relations is insufficiently cognisant of the social foundations of communication. Through a selective interpretation of three prominent interwar thinkers’ works, it will be argued that International Communication is a largely social, even ideological, field. The advantage of reading interwar international theory lies in their eclectic appreciation of the power of public opinion and leadership without undue fixation with realist and idealist labels. By reading Edward Carr, Norman Angell and Walter Lippmann, one can tease out the following three themes for organising the study of International Communication: human nature assumptions; opinion as power; and leadership in foreign policy in terms of public education.

2020 ◽  
pp. 004711782093562
Author(s):  
Lorenzo Zambernardi

Hans J. Morgenthau’s contribution to international relations and political theory appears to have been fully recognized to date. However, his ideas have undergone surprisingly little comprehensive investigation: an attitude that made it possible to grasp only a few aspects of his reflections. The main argument of this article is that the main area of inquiry in Morgenthau’s scholarship – international politics and foreign policy – is based on general considerations regarding the role of reason in politics and the limits of knowledge of the social universe. Not only does the question of the possibility of such knowledge lie at the root of his considerations on political action, but it also forms the mainspring of his reflection on ethics. Through an inquiry into the red thread that tightly links his diverse body of thought on social sciences, ethics, and foreign policy, the article aims to show that Morgenthau was a systematic political thinker who set out from theoretical observations on the limits of knowledge to develop particular insights into ethics and, from there, a particular notion of how foreign policy should be conducted. In other words, Morgenthau established links of essential continuity between knowledge, ethics, and action.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Tomz ◽  
Jessica L.P. Weeks ◽  
Keren Yarhi-Milo

AbstractMany theories of international relations assume that public opinion exerts a powerful effect on foreign policy in democracies. Previous research, based on observational data, has reached conflicting conclusions about this foundational assumption. We use experiments to examine two mechanisms—responsiveness and selection—through which opinion could shape decisions about the use of military force. We tested responsiveness by asking members of the Israeli parliament to consider a crisis in which we randomized information about public opinion. Parliamentarians were more willing to use military force when the public was in favor and believed that contravening public opinion would entail heavy political costs. We tested selection by asking citizens in Israel and the US to evaluate parties/candidates, which varied randomly on many dimensions. In both countries, security policy proved as electorally significant as economic and religious policy, and far more consequential than nonpolicy considerations such as gender, race, and experience. Overall, our experiments in two important democracies imply that citizens can affect policy by incentivizing incumbents and shaping who gets elected.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 261-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Clinton

Throughout his writings, Harold Nicolson advocates a distinction between ‘policy’ (to be subject to democratic control) and ‘negotiation’ (to remain the province of professional diplomatists), preferring to separate these two quite different activities, rather than lumping them together under the general term ‘diplomacy’ (an intermingling that he found conceptually muddled and politically impossible to sustain once general public opinion becomes politically mobilized). Nicholas Murray Butler and George Kennan, who may be taken as representing idealist and realist American opinion in the twentieth century, found themselves at one in rejecting Nicolson’s distinction. Butler believed that the progressive enlightenment of public opinion, resulting in the attainment of the ‘international mind’, would improve both the formulation of policy and the conduct of negotiations; Kennan deprecated public opinion, at least in the United States, as irredeemably clumsy and ill-informed, and was convinced that this domestic political force would not be satisfied with directing policy, but would insist on interfering with negotiation as well. Across the board, American opinion seems to be hostile to Nicolson’s differentiation. This rejection of Nicolson’s view illustrates a more general influence of distinctively American thinking about international relations on American attitudes towards, and expectations of, diplomacy.


Author(s):  
Helmer Helmers

Focusing on the contested succession of James II in 1685, this chapter argues that succession literature shaped, and was being shaped by, international relations. It shows that James’s succession led to an Anglo-Scottish propaganda battle in the Dutch Republic as both government agents and the Whig opposition in exile aimed to influence Dutch foreign policy by winning public opinion. Analysis of this British battle for Dutch support, the succession publicity it generated, and the responses it elicited, reveals a remarkable change in Dutch succession publicity. Before the succession, Dutch pamphlets mostly favoured Whig perspectives. After the failed rebellions led by the Duke of Monmouth and the Earl of Argyll, however, pro-Stuart publications came to dominate the press. This shift is shown to have been the result of struggles over Dutch foreign policy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Petr P. Tikhonov ◽  

This article raises the problem of the international activities of the Cadet Party from 1906 to 1917. During this period, the Cadets were at the head of the foreign policy activities of the State Duma from the first to the fourth convocations. Firstly, the reason is that the cadets had a developed network of personal and professional contacts with Western politicians and journalists; secondly, they formulated their own vision of foreign policy, and were also ideologically close to the political elite of England and France. The Cadet Party used its international authority in two directions: on the one hand, this increased the party’s authority within the Russian society; on the other hand, Russia was drawing closer to its allies in the Entente. In this rapprochement, it is not so much the geopolitical aspect that is important as the establishment of horizontal ties between the societies of these countries, which allows building long-term friendly relations. This was the main feature of the activities of the Cadets – they did not have government powers, their activities did not lead to the conclusion of agreements, but it influenced public opinion both in Russia and abroad.


Author(s):  
Jason Neidleman

This chapter explores the role of the state in the formation of public opinion. Both Smith and Rousseau recognized the urgency of this endeavor; both likewise recognized the threat that such a project could pose to personal liberty and popular sovereignty. However, while they framed the problem similarly, their responses to it differed in two ways. First, the stakes were greater for Rousseau: Without civic virtue, there could be no political freedom. For Smith, by contrast, moral turpitude did not automatically undermine the social fabric. The second difference—related to the first—lies in the extent to which the magistrate must be concerned with public opinion. While Smith’s magistrate needed only to direct and constrain it, Rousseau’s was tasked with transforming human nature. The explanation for these differences, the chapter argues, lies in the disparity between the thinkers’ views on the role played by citizens in the formulation of legislation.


Author(s):  
Micah Dillard ◽  
Jon C.W. Pevehouse

Scholarship in international relations has taken a more quantitative turn in the past four decades. The field of foreign policy analysis was arguably the forerunner in the development and application of quantitative methodologies in international relations. From public opinion surveys to events data to experimental methods, many of the earliest uses of quantitative methodologies can be found in foreign policy analysis. On substantive questions ranging from the causes of war to the dynamics of public opinion, the analysis of data quantitatively has informed numerous debates in foreign policy analysis and international relations. Emerging quantitative methods will be useful in future efforts to analyze foreign policy.


This text provides an introduction to the ever-changing field of foreign policy. Combining theories, actors, and cases, chapters provide an interesting introduction to what foreign policy is and how it is conducted. With an emphasis throughout on grounding theory in empirical examples, the text features a section dedicated to relevant and topical case studies where foreign policy analysis approaches and theories are applied. Chapters clearly convey the connection between international relations theory, political science, and the development of foreign policy analysis, emphasizing the key debates in the academic community. New chapters focus on such topics as public diplomacy, and media and public opinion. A new case study on Syria examines the forms of intervention that have and have not been adopted by the international community.


Author(s):  
Peter Beattie

Ideology is a prototypical “contested concept,” though competing definitions can generally be sorted into pejorative and nonpejorative categories. Pejorative definitions consider ideology to be a set of false beliefs about the world and how it operates, typically facilitating exploitation or injustice. Nonpejorative definitions consider ideology to be something neutral (or its normative dimension to be undetermined a priori), a kind of systematized thinking about politics or political economy; a worldview. It is the latter definition that is most common in international relations scholarship outside of the Marxian tradition, and it will be used here. Values are commonly defined as rank-ordered ideas about what is desirable, transcending specific situations, that guide behavioral choices and influence evaluations. Given these two definitions, values are subsumed under ideology; they form the normative dimension of ideology. For example, A may value both self-determination and democracy (and A may see elections as a means of ensuring self-determination); but if A’s ideology pictures the international system as dominated by a superpower that regularly interferes in elections, she may support the decision of a less powerful state to avoid elections to evade the superpower’s interference. Ideology, as a systematized way of thinking about politics, can help adjudicate conflicts between values—as in this example, between self-determination and democracy. International relations scholarship has traditionally overlooked the influence of ideology and values on foreign policy and public opinion about foreign policy. Considerations of power maximization and balancing were commonly hypothesized to overwhelm any influence of ideational factors, such that the latter could be safely ignored as mere epiphenomena of the former. More recently, the variously named ideational, interpretivist, or constructivist turn in international relations has opened the way for IR scholars to investigate the effects of ideas within the international system. Foreign policy analysis, operating at a less abstract level, has been more open to ideational factors as influences on policymakers. Yet a great deal remains to be explored about the way ideology and values constrain and influence foreign policy decision-makers, and public opinion (which, in turn, may constrain and influence decision-makers). Ideology and values can be conceptualized at the micro level as beliefs held by individuals and at the macro level as widely shared beliefs (akin to “social representations”) enforced, inculcated, and/or reproduced by institutions.


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