Libya: Some Aspects of the Mediaeval Period, First–Ninth Century H/Seventh–Fifteenth Century AD

1989 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 209-214
Author(s):  
M. Brett

The difficulty with the study of Libyan history, certainly before the sixteenth century, is twofold: firstly the definition of Libya as a subject, secondly the lack of information. The definition of the subject starts from the modern political boundaries, which do not predate the Ottomans; the lack of information must be related to the fact that most of the territory is desert, and peripheral to the concerns of wealthier and more powerful neighbours — Egypt, Tunis, Kanem/Borno, and the maritime empires of western Europe. Instead of a positive entity of which the modern political limits are only the most recent expression, it is all too easy to see a hollow space between neighbours north, south, east and west. How to fill that space conceptually and evidentially is the problem explicit or implicit in all the literature over the years since the foundation of the Society for Libyan Studies. This essay does not aim to be exhaustive, simply to indicate the lines of thought and investigation, and offer some conclusions.

2015 ◽  
Vol 84 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-89 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela K. Perett

The renewed interest in John Wyclif (d. 1384) has brought this late medieval figure back into the spotlight of historians, giving rise to numerous studies evaluating his thought and its implications in the context of late fourteenth century England. However, it is not possible fully to appreciate Wyclif's importance in late medieval European culture without understanding the legacy of his ideas on the continent. According to the accepted narrative, John Wyclif's thought was mediated to the continent through the scholarly contacts between the universities in Oxford and in Prague, and re-emerged in the Latin writings of Jan Hus. This article argues that John Wyclif's thought, especially his critique of the church's doctrine of transubstantiation, found a larger audience among the rural clerics and laity in Bohemia, whom it reached through Peter Payne, who simplified and disseminated the works of the Oxford master. Wyclif's critique of transubstantiation sparked a nationwide debate about the nature of the Eucharist, generating numerous treatises, both in Latin and in the vernacular, on the subject of Christ's presence in the sacrament of the mass. This debate anticipated, a full century earlier, the famous debate between Luther and Zwingli and the Eucharistic debates of the sixteenth century Reformation more generally. The proliferation of vernacular Eucharistic tractates in Bohemia shows that Wyclif's critique of transubstantiation could be answered in a number of different ways that included both real presence (however defined) and figurative theologies—a fact, which, in turn, explains the doctrinal diversity among the Lollards in England.


1956 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 97-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie Zemon Davis

The danse macabre pleased the medieval sensibility. It was painted throughout western Europe in the fifteenth century, and the printing profession early took an interest in the theme. The most celebrated wall paintings of the dance of death in France were also the earliest—1424 at the Cimetière des Innocents in Paris. In 1485, woodcut replicas of these paintings with the verses from the cemetery printed underneath the pictures were brought out by the Parisian printer and priest Guyot Marchant. Printers in Paris and elsewhere followed suit. In Lyons, Mathieu Huss printed a Grant Danse Macabre in February 1499 (o.s.), and fascination with the same cuts and verses extended there well into the sixteenth century. Claude Nourry brought out editions in 1501, 1519, and 1523; Pierre de Saint Lucie, the successor of Nourry and the husband of his widow, printed editions in 1537,1548, and 1555.


Author(s):  
Anastasiia Andreevna Iugina

The subject of this research is the transfer-pricing rules applied in various countries, their peculiarities and flaws from the standpoint of approach to taxation of transnational corporations overall; as well as practical issues of implementation of transfer-pricing rules for transnational corporations and fiscal authorities, namely the problems of avoidance of taxation by the representatives of transnational corporations and ambiguity of the applied approaches towards regulation. The author examines differences in the rules applied by various jurisdictions, as well as law enforcement problems emerging thereof. Relevance of the topic is substantiated by high significance of transfer-pricing rules for taxation of transnational corporations, as well as the need for ensuring universality in international taxation. The main conclusions lie in determination of substantial ambiguity in the transfer-pricing riles, associated with the lack of information on comparable transaction in the available information systems, as well as assessment of rules with regards to each individual situation. The mechanism employed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation, aimed ate elimination of flaws in transfer-pricing rules, such as consensual procedure, are expensive and often ineffective for transnational corporations. Therefore, elimination of dual taxation is achieved only in some situations. Differences of legislation on transfer pricing in various jurisdictions can also lead to dual taxation of transnational corporations. Moreover, the “arm’s length” principle do not allow reflecting synergetic effects that emerge in the context of activity of transnational corporation, and thus, definition of taxation base within the framework of acting transfer-pricing rules is incomplete.


AmS-Skrifter ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 53-61
Author(s):  
Adolf E. Hofmeister

There is little evidence of Bremen merchants in Norway before the royal charters issued from 1279 onwards, even though Bremen had been the seat of the missionary archbishop for the Nordic countries since the ninth century. Trade in Bergen in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was dominated by the Hanseatic cities of the Baltic Sea coast led by merchants from Lübeck. Despite opposition from Hanseatic merchants sailing to Bergen, merchants from Hamburg and Bremen developed new trading posts to barter cod on Iceland and Shetland in the fifteenth century. Traders from Hamburg and Bremen on Iceland competed for licences issued by the Danish king. The 1558 debt register of a merchant from Bremen in Kumbaravogur provides considerable insight into this trade. The Danish king restricted sailings to Iceland to Danish merchants from 1601. On Shetland the Scottish foud allotted landing places to foreign skippers and traders. Merchants from Bremen became respected members of the island communities and in the seventeenth century they changed to trading in herring. Several tariff rate rises led to the end of Bremen sailings to Shetland by the beginning of the eighteenth century. Bremen merchants in Norway succeeded in breaking the Lübeck dominance in Bergen in the sixteenth century. By 1600, other Norwegian harbours in the North Atlantic, notably Stavanger, were also destinations for ships from Bremen.


1987 ◽  
Vol 91 ◽  
pp. 209-214
Author(s):  
Sevim Tekeli

In Greece, Autolycos (4th cent. B.C.), Aristarchos of Samos (3rd cent.B.C.), Hipparchos (2nd cent.B.C.), Menelaos (1st cent. A.D.), and Ptolemaos (2nd cent. A.D.) are the forerunners of trigonometry. The Greeks used chords and prepared a table of chords.Later, the Hindus produced Siddhāntas (4th cent.A.D.). The most important feature of these works is the use of jyā instead of chords, and utkramajyā (versed sine).In Islam, al-Battānī al-Ṣābī (858-929) used the sine, cosine, tangent, and cotangent with clear consciousness of their individual characteristics.As is known, trigonometry developed as a branch of astronomy. Although in the thirteenth century Naṣīr al-Dīn al-Ṭūsī (in the Islamic world) and in the fifteenth century Regiomontanus (in the West) established trigonometry as a science independent of astronomy, the essential situation did not change, and the subject went on developing as before.


Archaeologia ◽  
1894 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-172
Author(s):  
John Gardener ◽  
Alicia M. Tyssen Amherst

We have few writings on the subject of English gardening before the sixteenth century, when Turner, Tusser, Hill, Fitzherbert, and Gerard gave their well-known works to the world, and were quickly followed by numerous other writers on the same subject.


2008 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 46-60
Author(s):  
Abdul Azim Islahi

Muslim scholars of the sixteenth century continued the tradition of writing on economic issues. Their work, however, is characterized by the period’s overall feature of imitation and repetition and thus reflects hardly any advancement of monetary thought since the works of earlier Muslim scholars. This is clearly reflected in the two representative treatises on money: those of al-Suyuti (d. 1506), written at the beginning of the century, and of al-Tumurtashi (d. 1598), written at its end. The history of Islamic economic thought is a well-researched area of Islamic economics. To the best of our knowledge, however, all such research stopped at the end of the fifteenth century, the age of Ibn Khaldun and al-Maqrizi. The present paper seeks to advance this research and intends to investigate the monetary thought of Muslim scholars during the sixteenth century (corresponding to the hijr¥ years of 906 to 1009.) Beginning with an overview of earlier monetary thought in Islam to provide the necessary background information, it then goes on to note that particular century’s monetary problems in order to provide a perspective for the discussion of monetary thought among Muslim scholars. For the purpose of comparison, European monetary thought of the same period is also analyzed. Due to limitations of time and space, this paper concentrates on the relevant treatises and does not deal with the piecemeal opinions scattered throughout the voluminous corpus of Islamic literature. Thus, it focuses on al-Suyuti and al-Tumurtashi, as I could locate only their two exclusively monetary works. Hopefully this modest initiative will spur others to conduct more extensive research on the subject.


Europe has changed greatly in the last century. The political boundaries between nations and states, along with the very concepts of 'nation' and 'boundary', have changed significantly, and the self-consciousness of ethnic minorities has likewise evolved in new directions. All these developments have affected how the Jews of Europe perceive themselves, and they help to shape the prism through which historians view the Jewish past. This volume looks at the Jewish past in the spirit of this reassessment. Part I reconsiders the basic parameters of the subject as well as some of its fundamental concepts, suggesting new assumptions and perspectives from which to conduct future studies of European Jewish history. Topics covered here include periodization and the definition of geographical borders, antisemitism, gender and the history of Jewish women, and notions of assimilation. Part II is devoted to articulating the meaning of 'modernity' in the history of European Jewry and demarcating key stages in its crystallization. Chapters reflect on the defining characteristics of a distinct early modern period in European Jewish history, the Reformation and the Jews, and the fundamental features of the Jewish experience in modern times. Parts III and IV present two scholarly conversations as case studies for the application of the critical and programmatic categories considered thus far: the complex web of relationships between Jews, Christians, and Jewish converts to Christianity in fifteenth-century Spain; and the impact of American Jewry on Jewish life in Europe in the twentieth-century, at a time when the dominant trend was one of migration from Europe to the Americas.


1972 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitri Obolensky

The divergent views held by historians and sociologists as to what does and does not constitute nationalism will, I hope, provide me with some excuse for not attempting here a general definition of this phenomenon. Nor will I presume to adjudicate between the opinions of scholars like Hans Kohn who, confining their attention to Western Europe, will not hear of nationalism before the rise of modern states between the sixteenth and the eighteenth century, and of historians like G. G. Coulton who, after surveying the policy of the Papacy, the life of the Universities, the internal frictions in the monasteries and the history of medieval warfare, concluded that nationalism, which had been developing in Western Europe since the eleventh century, became a basic factor in European politics by the fourteenth. My paper is concerned with the medieval history of Eastern Europe: an area which I propose to define, by combining a geographical with a cultural criterion, as the group of countries which lay within the political or cultural orbit of Byzantium. The subject is vast and complex, and I can do no more than select a few topics for discussion. These I would like to present as arguments in support of three theses.


Itinerario ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-149
Author(s):  
Astrid Kotenbach

The discovery of new areas beyond the Atlantic Ocean and the pioneering of a new searoute via the Cape to the Indian Ocean led to expansion of western Europe in the sixteenth century. There of course followed the development of trade routes to the new areas outside Europe, but there was also a significant expansion of trade inside Europe and the Middle East, as well as changes in existing trade and production patterns. These are the subject of this paper.


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