Patrilocality and Early Marital Co-residence in Rural China, 1955–85

1992 ◽  
Vol 130 ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Lavely ◽  
Xinhua Ren

The story of the rural Chinese family household in the post-Mao period is generally told in one of three ways, which might be labelled modernization, tradition restored, and demographic determinism. Modernization parallels the family theories of classical sociology: economic development and education tend to undermine extended family living arrangements by instilling nuclear family preferences, while the relaxation of migration restrictions allows young men to seek their fortune away from home. “Tradition restored” sees collectivization as having undermined the foundation of the extended family household, the family economy. The return of family farming has, in this view, restored the conditions under which the extended family can flourish. The demographic determinisi view assumes that family preferences persist but that demographic structures change. Rising life expectancies and declining fertility should increase rates of family extension, since smaller families mean that there will be fewer brothers available to live with a surviving parent. Thus as the birth control cohorts come of age, the prevalence of extended households should increase.

2002 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-433 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kent V. Flannery

In Mesoamerica and the Near East, the emergence of the village seems to have involved two stages. In the first stage, individuals were distributed through a series of small circular-to-oval structures, accompanied by communal or “shared” storage features. In the second stage, nuclear families occupied substantial rectangular houses with private storage rooms. Over the last 30 years a wealth of data from the Near East, Egypt, the Trans-Caucasus, India, Africa, and the Southwest U.S. have enriched our understanding of this phenomenon. And in Mesoamerica and the Near East, evidence suggests that nuclear family households eventually gave way to a third stage, one featuring extended family households whose greater labor force made possible extensive multifaceted economies.


2014 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
KIM OVERLAET

ABSTRACTIn many early modern towns of the southern Low Countries, beguinages gave adult single women of all ages the possibility to lead a religious life of contemplation in a secure setting, retaining rights to their property and not having to take permanent vows. This paper re-examines the family networks of these women by means of a micro-study of the wills left by beguines who lived in the Great Beguinage of St Catherine in sixteenth-century Mechelen, a middle-sized city in the Low Countries. By doing so, this research seeks to add nuance to a historiography that has tended to consider beguinages as artificial families, presumably during a period associated with the increasing dominance of the nuclear family and the unravelling ties of extended family.


2001 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isao Fukunishi ◽  
Wayne Paris

The intergenerational association of alexithymic characteristics of mothers and their children were examined in a sample of 232 pairs of college students and their mothers. Scores on the Toronto Alexithymia Scale, Parental Bonding Inventory, and the Family Environmental Scale of college students were significantly correlated with their mothers' memories of when they were also 20 years old. College students' scores were significantly correlated with their mothers' scores on each questionnaire. The student-mother pairs were further divided into two family types, nuclear and extended families. Correlations were higher for scores of the nuclear family than for those of the extended family. Such results suggest there may be intergenerational transmission of alexithymia and related factors from mothers to children.


2020 ◽  
pp. 207-217
Author(s):  
Zbigniew Wesołowski SVD

A Chinese courtyard house, called in Chinese siheyuan, equipped with a single entrance and with one or more open courtyards encompassed by one-storey buildings, represents traditional house dwelling in China. Throughout Chinese history, courtyard dwelling was the basic architectural pattern used for building governmental (palaces and offices) and family residences, and religious compounds (temples and monasteries). In this short contribution, the author depicts a standard traditional Beijing court house from the Ming dynasty (1368–1644) which would normally host an extended family of three and four generations. The physical construction and spatial structure of the traditional Chinese courtyard house were deeply rooted in ancient Chinese philosophical thought. The Chinese used fengshui (wind and water) principles to harmonize themselves with their environment in order to secure prosperity, longevity, and family blessings. From the viewpoint of fengshui, a basic courtyard house compound was not only a dwelling place, but also a structured and complicated vision of the cosmos that should function as an ideal container of qi (life energy). The fundamental north-south axis which rhythmically and continuously guarantee the vital flow of qi and the square shape of a courtyard house which means near to the earth, should promise health, prosperity, and the growth of the family. The fengshui system (nowadays mostly associated with Daoism) in the context of a Chinese courtyard house was intimately combined with China’s strict social and family system (Confucianism). The structure of the Chinese traditional family – and the author calls it “Confucian familism” – i.e., the Confucian conviction of family as a model for the whole state. This rigid and hierarchically structured family system, which had been the basis of Chinese society in imperial China for over two thousand years, has been reflected in courtyard house compounds. At the end of this contribution, the author mentions the efforts of present-day architects to find a way to revive traditional courtyard housing for modern times.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
S. M. Ayoob

The family is considered as the most important and outstanding primary group in the society. The extended family type is diminishing in the modern era due to multiple and unavoidable reasons. However in some countries, people give their support to preserve extended family system at least keeping their senior citizens in the same household. Senior citizens also play active roles by supporting the family members in numerous ways. This study was conducted to identify the living arrangements, roles played by the senior citizens in family and household and the reasons behind the active role taking behavior among senior citizens. Out of 20 Divisional Secretariat Divisions in Ampara district, 08 Divisional Secretariat Divisions where Muslims predominantly live have been selected as the study area using simple random sampling method. The sample size is 392. The primary data was collected from key informant interviews, case studies and focus group discussions. The study highlighted that 95% of the senior citizens in the study area are living with their family members. Maintaining household activities, guiding the family members, providing counselling, providing security, socialization, mediating, providing monetary support and mobile role are the major roles played by senior citizens. The reasons for this active role taking behaviour are physical fitness and healthy lifestyle of senior citizens, disaster situation, economic condition, loneliness and isolation, lack of organizational structure and social recognition in study area. Beyond their old age, the contribution of senior citizens to the family is immeasurable.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 9-10
Author(s):  
Tracy Harkison

The exclusion of children from hospitality establishments is not new. Not all cultures or properties exclude children, but the cultivation and advertisement of a family environment at properties that do is a topic worthy of further consideration. Some luxury properties are projecting a family environment while excluding children, which proposes a new definition of what a ‘family environment’ means and speculation about how such properties achieve this environment. The traditional view of ‘family’ has changed over time, and what is defined as family has also changed. One of these changes is that ‘family’ has morphed into ‘families’ in order to encompass new perceptions of the composition of the ‘family’ [1]. In addition, in many cultures, for example Italian, East Asian and Māori, the extended family rather than the traditional nuclear family is considered the basic unit [2]. The decrease or demise of the nuclear family is accredited to the rise in divorce rates, which has resulted in new forms of family units being formed. However, even though families are splitting and reforming after divorce, linkages through children remain [3]. The term ‘families’ is commonly defined as ‘multigenerational social groups’ comprised of at least one child and one adult [4]. While conducting interpretivist research on the creation of luxury accommodation experiences, qualitative data were collected from interviews with 81 participants (managers, employees and guests) at six luxury properties in New Zealand. Out of the six properties (classified as three luxury hotels and three luxury lodges), one did not accommodate children (a luxury lodge). Findings of the research revealed the theme of ‘family’ as important to all of the properties, even the property that was ‘childfree’. This raises the question of whether children need to be present before a ‘family environment’ can be experienced within those hospitality establishments. All the managers and employees interviewed in the research felt that guests wanted the feeling of being surrounded by family or of being part of a family. Managers and employees acknowledged that in lodges there is a smaller number of service personnel and, at the same time, a higher staff to guest ratio. The service personnel depend on each other and develop close teams, which are like families, in order to produce an outstanding experience for their guests. Managers and employees are closer to their guests in lodges due to guests dining on the premises two if not three times in the day, and managers often dine with the guests in their capacity as hosts, enabling them to build relationships with guests by engaging in conversation during these times. Guests, themselves, felt that staff treated them like family or made them feel part of the lodge family. They also commented that there was a feeling of family between the managers and staff and that they displayed those family bonds. It has been suggested that the exclusion of children from some hospitality establishments is perhaps so they can concentrate on the niche market of ‘adult-only’. Advantages of this focus are that it is not necessary to provide amenities and activities that are targeted at children and a premium price can be charged for the exclusivity of being an ‘adult-only’ establishment. Adult-only hotels can be dated back to the 1960s when Club Med was targeting singles [5]. In the 1980s, the hotel chain Sandals started luring Americans to Mexico and the Caribbean with adult-only packages and specific catering for couples [5]. The research suggests that projecting a family environment is now being used by luxury accommodation providers as a metaphorical term about the intimate attention that can be co-created in the accommodation servicescape through accommodation staff forming ‘special relationships’ with their guests in order to personalise their service. In this light, perhaps it is time to reconsider the nature of family-oriented accommodation in the sector, and to investigate how properties offer a ‘family-like’ environment that makes customers feel ‘part of the family’ while excluding children. Corresponding author Tracy Harkison can be contacted at: [email protected] References (1) Dumon, W. The Situation of Families in Western Europe: A Sociological Perspective. In The Family on the Threshold of the 21st Century; Dreman S, Ed.; Lawrence Erlbaum Associates: London, 1997; chapt. 11. (2) Robinson, E. Refining our Understanding of Family Relationships. Family Matters 2009, 82, 5–7. (3) Schänzel, H.A.; Yeoman, I. Trends in Family Tourism. Journal of Tourism Futures 2015, 1(2), 141–147. https://doi.org/10.1108/JTF-12-2014-0006 (4) Schänzel, H.A. Whole-Family Research: Towards a Methodology in Tourism for Encompassing Generation, Gender, and Group Dynamic Perspectives. Tourism Analysis 2010, 15(5), 555–569. https://doi.org/10.3727/108354210X12889831783314 (5) Divac, N. These German Vacationers Don't Take Kindly to the Kinder – Youngsters are Verboten as Hotels Seek Tranquility for Guests; No Cannonballs in Pool. Wall Street Journal, Feb 1, 2016; https://www.wsj.com/articles/for-these-german-vacationers-kids-are-verboten-1454288459 (accessed Mar 20, 2017).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Merve Adli Isleyen

In this study, relational and parenting experiences of living in a family building (FB) is interrogated through the experiences of couples. Seven married couples who had at least one child and have been living in family buildings at least for a year were selected for the present study. The participants’ mean age was 41, ranging from 30-46, and their average marriage length was 19, varying between 9 and 34. The semi-structured interviews, which took approximately an hour, were held at the participants’ apartments and conducted individually with partners. The participants expressed their living experiences in the family building, its effect on their general life, couple relationship, parenting practices and their boundary negotiations. Thematic analysis was carried out and the analysis of the interviews revealed four main themes: FB as a Network of Support and Safety, Roles and Rules of Conduct in the FB, Interference in the FB and Boundary Negotiations in the FB. The overall results of this study demonstrated that the participants’ experiences were shaped by the structure of the family building and gender, and that the participants exerted and manifested their agency according to the characteristics and the context of the FB. The results provided useful information for clinicians who work with clients, living in FBs or interdependent families. The findings are discussed in the context of the existing literature, and limitations and suggestions for further studies are presented.


Author(s):  
Katherine R. Allen

Same-sex relationship dissolution has reverberations for individuals beyond the nuclear family. This chapter discusses a lesbian-parent family, consisting of two moms and two kids—when it broke up nearly two decades ago, many other family members, including the donor and his husband, were deeply affected. This chapter reflects on this experience from the author’s perspective of a family scholar and an activist for LGBTQ family rights. In the absence of legal marriage and thus legal divorce, family lives turned out in ways that even the most careful, deliberate efforts could not anticipate nor protect. The experiences described highlight many losses and regrets, despite the intentional love and concern for all of the parents, children, and extended family members involved. These reflections on this experience are intended to honor the family as it once was and the families they have become.


1996 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Barbara Laslett ◽  
Katherine Nash

In an overview of recent research on the history of the family, Tamara Hareven (1991) points out that this field of study took its inspiration from developments in historical demography and from the “new social history” of the 1960s. Family historians, like other social historians, had “a commitment to reconstructing the life patterns of ordinary people, to viewing them as actors as well as subjects in the process of change” (ibid.: 95). The flowering of research in this field has provided us with a more detailed understanding of the relationship between social change and family life than was previously available. We have learned, among other things, that rather than a single trajectory of change from extended family life before industrialization to the nuclear family afterward, changes in family organization have rarely been invariant, linear, or unidirectional.


Africa ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 219-249
Author(s):  
David Tait

Opening ParagraphThis paper first seeks to show how far the actual forms of the Konkomba family and household coincide with their forms as conceived by the people themselves. The second part (which will appear in a later number of this journal) analyses some of the functions of these units of organization. By function, I mean the relation of the household to certain aspects of Konkomba life: namely, the household as a unit of production and consumption, as a unit of social control, as a ritual unit, and so on. The term ‘household’ refers to the total group of persons living together in one compound (letʃeni), which is a cluster of round houses distributed about a central space and linked by a low wall (see Fig. I). The head of a household (letʃendaa) is the senior man, the husband and the father of the family that is the nucleus of the household. This may be an elementary or a polygynous family; or it may be an expanded family consisting of a number of brothers and their wives, sons, and unmarried daughters; or it may be an extended family, consisting of a man, his wives, their sons, sons' wives and children, and their unmarried daughters. To this nucleus other kin are added and it will be shown that these additional members are always either members of the minor lineage group of the household head or wives or widows of members.


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