Measuring Taiwanese Public Opinion on Taiwanese Independence

2005 ◽  
Vol 181 ◽  
pp. 158-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Fuh-sheng Hsieh ◽  
Emerson M.S. Niou
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Large Percentage ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Point Scale ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Traditional Methods ◽  
Conditional Preferences

Whether there will be a war between China and Taiwan depends very much upon whether Taiwan will declare independence. And given that Taiwan is a democracy now, public opinion on the issue will certainly affect the political leaders' decision to move one way or the other. Since the early 1990s, several competing methods have been used in surveys to study Taiwanese attitudes on the independence – unification issue. The existence of a large percentage of respondents with conditional preferences makes us realize that the traditional six-point or 11-point scale measures of preferences oversimplify the situation. In this article, we construct a new measure of preferences and show that it clearly outperforms the traditional methods.

Collective Identity in National Anthems

2019 ◽  
pp. 45-64
Author(s):  
Hesham Mesbah
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Thematic Analysis ◽  
Collective Identity ◽  
Political System ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
National Symbols ◽  
The Common

This chapter explores how national anthems of African and non-African Arab nations reflect a collective national identity. The national anthems of 22 Arab countries were analyzed using the textual thematic analysis to identify the common attributes of national identity in these anthems and the variance in referring to political entities, national symbols, and natural artifacts according to the political system (republic vs. monarchy) in the country. The analysis shows five thematic components of the national identity presented by those anthems, with an emphasis on the themes of religion and local political leaders in the anthems of monarchies. On the other hand, republics base their identity on religion, history, and nation-related natural and national artifacts. The anthems of the republics show a higher level of complexity (thematic richness) and more tendency to use emotionally charged, forceful language, in contrast to the anthems of the monarchies.

The Japan-South Korea Rift: “Inside” and “Outside” Pressures on Relations

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Sakaki
Keyword(s):  
South Korea ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Relative Importance ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Mutual Cooperation ◽  
Time Period ◽  
History Of ◽  
Economic Ties

Although Japan–South Korea relations have been volatile throughout the postwar era, ties deteriorated to an unprecedented degree after 2011, with mutual mistrust hitting unseen heights. Focusing on this time period, the chapter analyzes the causes of the downturn. Previous studies show that bilateral tensions stem from clashes in the two countries’ national identity conceptions and historical disagreements more generally. While this chapter acknowledges the continuing relevance of these underlying sources of friction, it argues that ties have come under additional pressure from two spheres. First, pressure has built from the “inside”—the domestic-societal contexts—pushing the respective political leaders, who are mindful of public support and electoral effects, toward more nationalist positions vis-à-vis the other country. Consequently, the political room for mutual accommodation and compromise has shrunk. Second, pressure has built from the “outside”—from changes in the international arena. Tokyo and Seoul hold differing views on how to prioritize and respond to key international challenges, sowing mutual strategic mistrust. At the same time, Japan’s relative importance to Korea has fallen amid shifting economic ties in the region. With rising pressure from both “inside” and “outside,” the traditional bonds underpinning mutual cooperation have eroded, sending relations to their lowest point in the history of bilateral normalized relations since 1965.

Belgians and security issues : a trend analysis (1970-1990)

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 33 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 503-522
Author(s):  
Philippe Manigart ◽  
Eric Marlier
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Trend Analysis ◽  
Secondary Analysis ◽  
Peace Movement ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Mass Public ◽  
The One ◽  
World Environment

This article attempts to assess, in a quantitative way, how security/defense issues have been perceived in Belgium since the early 1970s among the mass public.  This period has been characterized by breathtaking changes in the political and military world environment. How have Belgians reacted to these changes ?  The empirical evidence is based on a secondary analysis of public opinion data from the Eurobarometer series.The picture that emerges from the trend analysis is mixed. On the one hand, orientations towards the peace movement and arms limitations are more positive than before. On the other hand, many other indicators point to an increase in pro-defense orientations. Belgians are also overwhelmingly favorable to the creation of a collective organization for defense.

To tell it directly or not: Coding transparency and corruption in Malagasy political oratory

2009 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
JENNIFER L. JACKSON
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Language Ideology ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Communication Styles ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Modernity ◽  
Moral Structure ◽  
Political Oratory

ABSTRACTThis article discusses stylistic and contextual variations in the political oratory (kabary politika) of urban Madagascar. New imported oratorical styles and older styles ofkabaryrepresent competing linguistic markets where political leaders field broader issues of political modernity, fighting government corruption through reforms toward transparency.Kabaryhas become the object of criticism in models for transparent government practice. This has affected the way leaders speak to and about the country, reifying a moral structure arguing what constitutes truth and how speakers understand language as conveying that truth. In this respect, this article describes linguistic and metalinguistic encodings of transparency versus corruption in the political communication styles of highland Malagasy political orators. It looks at how the rhetorical modes of an urban polity are reorganized in ways that reshape vernacular epistemologies of truth in language and shift the production of particular publics and their access to participation in political process. (Madagascar,kabary, oratory, democracy, linguistic variation, language ideology, truth and ethics, public opinion, public culture)*

The Khilafat Movement in India: The First Phase

1968 ◽  
Vol 100 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gopal Krishna
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minority Status ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Islamic World ◽  
Spiritual Leader ◽  
Islamic Empire ◽  
The One ◽  
The Ideal

When the european war ended in November 1918 the fate of the defeated Turkish Empire was no longer in doubt. The other fallen empire, Austria-Hungary, had been dismembered, and the Ottoman Turks could not hope to escape the consequences of allying themselves with Germany. For Indian Muslims this raised grave issues of the political power of Islam. They had provided a large number of recruits in the war and had contributed materially towards the defeat of Turkey. Their political leaders had regretted Turkey's entry into the war on the side of Britain's enemies; their sympathies, however, were with the Turks, for the Turkish Sultan was looked upon as the Khalifa, the temporal and spiritual leader of the Islamic community, and—still more important for Indian Muslims—the Khalifa stood for the unity of the Islamic people, and the Turkish Empire, by then the only surviving Islamic Empire, was the symbol of Islam's worldly power. Muslims in India fervently believed in the ideal of Islamic brotherhood. This had always been an integral part of the religious outlook of Islam, but Pan-Islamism appealed especially to Muslims in India because of their minority status. Their interest in the Khalifate was largely due to the fact that it was the one centre of authority to which they could look for protection. The spread of nationalism threatened to submerge them and made them anxious to preserve and strengthen the Khalifate as an institution which might provide them with a rallying point and mobilize in their defence the united forces of the Islamic world.

From Promoting to Ending Big Government

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Milton Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Social Welfare ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dichotomous Choice ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Theodore Roosevelt ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
Great Debate

This chapter discusses the transformation of the political rhetoric surrounding the size and scope of government. The memorable presidential elections of 2012 also marked the centennial of another especially pivotal contest. On one side, Republicans were running against strong, activist government—at least as far as the economy and social welfare were concerned. Their Democratic opponents touted their own specific programs, but shied away from mounting any full-throated defense of activist government. In the talk about government, small was beautiful—always for one side and most of the time, rhetorically at least, for the other. In 1912, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson squared off in a great debate about how a more active government might best enhance democracy. Their rivalry reminds us that America's political leaders are not culturally constrained to run away from government, and that American electoral politics need not be confined to a simple dichotomous choice between two varieties, big and small.

scholarly journals El control político de la opinión pública en la España de los Austrias

2020 ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Héctor Álvarez García
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Golden Age ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Siglo De Oro ◽  
Spanish Society ◽  
The One ◽  
Sociological Concept ◽  
New Comedy

En el marco de la legislación censoria de la España imperial pretendemos analizar, por una parte, el origen cultural y doctrinal del concepto sociológico de opinión pública en nuestro país, que hunde sus raíces en el absolutismo contrarreformista y fue adoptando una fisonomía reconocible en el seno de la sociedad española del Siglo de Oro, gracias a la contribución de nuestros tratadistas barrocos; y, por otra, la dimensión política y adoctrinadora de la Nueva Comedia y de la predicación religiosa, ya que constituyeron los más efectivos resortes propagandísticos de manipulación de masas impulsados desde el Poder en orden a conseguir la adhesión emocional y, por tanto, irracional del pueblo español al régimen monárquico-señorial de los Austrias.In the framework of the censorship legislation of imperial Spanish we pretend to analyze, on the one hand, the cultural and doctrinal origin of sociological concept of public opinion in our country, which has its roots in counter-reformist absolutism and was adopting a recognizable physiognomy within the spanish society of the Golden Age thanks to the contribution of our baroque writers; and, on the other, the political and indoctrinating dimension of the New Comedy and religious preaching, since they constituted the most effective propaganda springs of mass manipulation driven by the Power in order to achieve emotional accession and, therefore, irrational from the spanish people to the Hispanic monarchy. 

scholarly journals Fake News in the Corporate World: A Rising Threat

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 92
Author(s):  
Roberto Adriani
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Financial Markets ◽  
Corporate Reputation ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Fake News ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Basic Approach ◽  
Corporate World ◽  
Good Reputation

Public opinion is used to thinking about fake news as a political phenomenon, a tool used to create dirty propaganda. It is true but it may be only the beginning. The literature is starting to realize that fake news may move from the political arena to the corporate world. If this should happen, fake news would overflow everywhere, making the post-factual society even more real. Fake news may become a dirty tool, used by dishonest companies to strike at their competitors’ reputation. The idea is that, till now, fake news has been used primarily for dirty propaganda and, marginally, to make money through the clickbait. However, since clickbait is a very basic approach, what we can expect is a breakthrough of fake news. From clickbait to much more sophisticated technologies and strategies to beat competitors dishonestly or to influence the global financial markets, for instance. A very dark big idea, in this case. It means that, in a post-factual society, even competition in the corporate world can be affected by fake news, fuelled by the abuse of new powerful technologies (Murgia M. and Kuchler H. 2017). The consequence is usually a decrease in sales and revenues, with a snowball effect. (Gupta S. 2016). Corporate reputation is an intangible as well as valuable asset. What makes it so valuable is that a good reputation can help the company to operate; on the other hand, a sullied reputation makes the company weaker and slower.

The Historical, Cultural and Political Background

1944 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-174
Author(s):  
Waclaw Lednicki
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Public ◽  
Political Background ◽  
Revolutionary Movements ◽  
The University ◽  
Catholic Churches ◽  
International Character ◽  
Political Question

I Do not have to relate the story of the partitions of Poland, 1772, 1793 and 1795. In two decades Russia took the greatest part of Poland, including in the first place all those now so-called eastern Polish borderlands, which had coexisted with Poland for exactly four centuries. After the Napoleonic War and the Congress of Vienna Russia obtained even more, because to these lands was added the central part of Poland, called the Kingdom of Poland. Poland fought against this domination— in the insurrection of Kosciuszko in 1794, the insurrection of 1830–31, the insurrection of 1863, the revolutionary movements of 1905. These insurrections and these movements produced three results: (l) they maintained and preserved the spirit of independence in the nation; (2) they maintained and preserved in European public opinion the still international character of the political question, of which they became a bloody symbol; (3) they augmented and deepened the Russian oppression. Indeed, most of the cultural achievements that Poland had made were destroyed; on the other hand, nothing was done to continue the natural development of the country, which, just because of that constant arrest of its development, was not able to follow the march of time. The University of Wilno was liquidated; the Lyceum of Krzemieniec was liquidated, and with its wealth the Russians organized their Russian University of Kiev. Museums, libraries, collections of art were confiscated and evacuated. Catholic churches were converted into Russian churches and monasteries.

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF THE CADET PARTY

2021 ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Petr P. Tikhonov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
International Authority ◽  
The One

This article raises the problem of the international activities of the Cadet Party from 1906 to 1917. During this period, the Cadets were at the head of the foreign policy activities of the State Duma from the first to the fourth convocations. Firstly, the reason is that the cadets had a developed network of personal and professional contacts with Western politicians and journalists; secondly, they formulated their own vision of foreign policy, and were also ideologically close to the political elite of England and France. The Cadet Party used its international authority in two directions: on the one hand, this increased the party’s authority within the Russian society; on the other hand, Russia was drawing closer to its allies in the Entente. In this rapprochement, it is not so much the geopolitical aspect that is important as the establishment of horizontal ties between the societies of these countries, which allows building long-term friendly relations. This was the main feature of the activities of the Cadets – they did not have government powers, their activities did not lead to the conclusion of agreements, but it influenced public opinion both in Russia and abroad.

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