Christian civilization and Italic civilization: Italian Catholic theses from Gioberti to Pius XII

1997 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 475-486 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Logan

‘Civilization’ was a major keyword in the Italian Catholic discourse of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth. Indeed Catholic Christian civilization was seen as synonymous with true civilization itself insofar as the post-classical era was concerned. The concept of ‘Christian civilization’ was closely allied to that of cristianità, as distinct from cristianesimo (Christianity). The terms cristianità and chrétienté, like English ‘Christendom’, had originally had primarily geographical connotations, but in post-Revolutionary Catholic thought they acquired connotations of a Christian order of society under the leadership of the Church, the evils of the modern world being presented as consequences of its breakdown. The allied discourse on ‘Christian civilization’ itself in the Italian Catholic world, as in the French one, was in large measure reactionary in character, associated with Counter-Revolutionary ideology and with opposition to liberalism. It asserted that a return of society to the Church was a precondition of social order. Thus the myth of a lost universal order offered a paradigm for the future.

1998 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 237-253
Author(s):  
George Marshall

Ever since the Reformation, and increasingly since the example set by Newman, the Church of England has had to contend with the lure of Rome; in every generation there have been clergymen who converted to the Roman Catholic Church, a group either statistically insignificant or a momentous sign of the future, depending on one’s viewpoint. From the nineteenth century Newman and Manning stand out. From the first two decades of the twentieth century among the figures best remembered are Robert Hugh Benson (1871–1914) and Ronald Arbuthnot Knox (1888–1957). They are remembered, not because they were more saintly or more scholarly than others, but because they were both writers and therefore are responsible for their own memorials. What is more, they both followed Newman in publishing an account of the circumstances of their conversion. This is a genre which continues to hold interest. The two works demonstrate, among other things, the continuing influence of Newman’s writings about the identity of the Church.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 71
Author(s):  
Paul Budi Kleden

Gaudium et Spes is a revolutionary document of Vatican II which can still inspire the Church now and in the future. This document is revolutionary in the sense that it deals with problems, issues and ideas that had never before become the agenda of any Council in the Catholic Church. Gaudium et Spes concretizes what John XXIII named aggiornamento, a process of contextualising the Christian heritage, through which the Church opens itself up to the modern world. This document is also revolutionary because it is entirely a product of the conciliar process of the Council itself. This article presents the process of drafting the document and discusses some issues that are relevant for the Church today and in the future. <b>Kata-kata kunci:</b> proses, Gereja, dunia modern, solidaritas, keadilan ekonomi, martabat manusia, perdamaian.


1980 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hellman

The hesitancy of French Catholic intellectuals to engage in public quarrels, and speak ill of their dead, has led to the forgetting of arguments and divergences of great importance to the background of Vatican II. It has been widely assumed that France's two most influential Christian intellectuals of the mid-century, Jacques Maritain and Emmanuel Mounier, worked hand in glove to promote what one historian has called a common “French Catholic Understanding of the Modern World.”* In fact, however, letters and diaries only known after the two principals were dead, have revealed deep differences between the two men at a decisive point in the evolution of modern French intellectual life. Maritain's reservations about the left-wing Catholicism and ecumenism of his younger friends remain quite relevant in our own day. In fact Maritain had, and kept, serious reservations about the new kind of Catholicism which Mounier and his new review Esprit articulated in the early nineteen-thirties but kept them private largely because of the secret danger of a known ecclesiastical condemnation for Esprit.


1979 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-312
Author(s):  
Alexander Wilde

The Puebla meeting of the Latin American bishops in early 1979 capped a decade of far-reaching and surprising change in the Catholic Church. A new, local-level unit—the “ecclesial base community” or CEB—has given Catholicism a vitality in society it has not known for centuries. At the same time, the Church has achieved an unprecedented integration as an institution nationally and regionally, in Latin America as a whole. It has found itself, through an unexpected historical dynamic, increasingly committed to the cause of the poor in deed as well as word, And it has been thrust into political confrontations with state authority throughout the region with an intensity and scope unmatched since the nineteenth century.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-151
Author(s):  
Yenny Anita Pattinama

ABSTRAK       Pelayanan Sekolah Minggu merupakan salah satu faktor yang cukup potensif dalam proses pertumbuhan Gereja. Lebih jauh lagi Sekolah Minggu merupakan wadah yang di pakai untuk mengajar anak-anak sesuai dengan pertumbuhan usia mereka. Pelayanan Sekolah Minggu membawa pengaruh yang positif terhadap pertumbuhan Gereja, karena anak-anak Sekolah Minggu akan menjadi generasi penerus Gereja yang melanjutkan tugas dan tanggung jawab Gereja sebagai saksi Kristus di tengah-tengah dunia yang penuh dengan tantangan ini. Tantangan yang akan di hadapi oleh Gereja pada masa yang akan datang semakin banyak di karenakan perubahan zaman dunia modern yang sudah tidak lagi mementingkan ajaran agama.   ABSTRACT         Sunday School service is one of the factors that is quite potential in the process of Church growth. Furthermore, Sunday School is a place that is used to teach children according to their age growth. Sunday School services have a positive influence on the growth of the Church, because Sunday School children will become the next generation of the Church who continue the Church's duties and responsibilities as witnesses of Christ in the midst of this challenging world. The challenges that will be faced by the Church in the future will be more and more due to the changes in the modern world era that are no longer concerned with religious teachings.


2004 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 308-318
Author(s):  
Nancy M. de Flon

In her article on the nineteenth-century Marian revival, Barbara Corrado Pope examines the significance of Mary in the Roman Catholic confrontation with modernity. ‘As nineteenth-century Catholics increasingly saw themselves in a state of siege against the modern world, they turned to those symbols that promised comfort’, she writes. Inevitably the chief symbol was Mary, whom the ‘patriarchal Catholic theology’ of the time held up as embodying the ‘good’ feminine qualities of chastity, humility, and maternal forgiveness. But there is another side to Mary that emerged as even more important and effective in the struggle against what many Catholics perceived as contemporary errors, and this was the militant figure embodied by the Immaculate Conception. The miraculous medal, an icon of Catherine Laboure’s vision of the Virgin treading on a snake, popularized this concept. The crushing of the snake not only had a connection to the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception; it also symbolized victory over sin, particularly the sins of the modern world. ‘Thus while the outstretched arms of the Immaculate Conception promised mercy to the faithful, the iconography of this most widely distributed of Marian images also projected a militant and defiant message that through Mary the Church would defeat its enemies’.


1975 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-73
Author(s):  
William Michelsen

P. G. Lindhardt: Confrontation. Grundtvig’s Sermons for the Church Year 1854-55 in the light o f Kierkegaard’s attack on the Danish Church and »Official« Christianity. (Akademisk Forlag, Copenhagen, 1974).Reviewed by William Michelsen.In 1961, when Lindhardt published Kierkegaard’s The Moment, he attempted in the Preface to show the »point« at which he found Kierkegaard’s attack not only meaningful but also necessary. A corresponding preface is not required for this book, which can be read independently, as Lindhardt describes in a commentary and an epilogue the confrontation with Kierkegaard which he rightly finds in the previously unpublished sermons of Grundtvig. If Grundtvig had had the opportunity to re-edit them, they would most likely have lost their present freshness as well as their value as documents. Of course they are not all good; but they are all real - as a preacher’s response to the gospel in a particular situation. They are what a sermon should always be, and as such these sermons are, from a non-theological point o f view, as they should be.It may be that Grundtvig did not read or understand all that Kierkegaard wrote. But he knew the situation in which he wrote, though from another viewpoint since he belonged to an older generation. This situation has now changed, inasmuch as the Danish Church has become more accomodating and at the same time more shapeless. To regard the Danish people as Christian was for Kierkegaard an illusion that he considered scandalous. But it is only scandalous if w e allow ourselves to be deluded by it. That is hardly the case today. At that time it was normal to go to church; it is not so today. And yet people want their children christened and called Christian. It is just as difficult now as then to infer anything from outward conduct.Lindhardt emphasizes that in his sermons Grundtvig made the admission that Kierkegaard demanded; but even so he does not think that Grundtvig understood Kierkegaard. It is reasonable to ask whether Lindhardt has understood Grundtvig. Lindhardt stresses quite rightly that whereas Kierkegaard wished to hold people to their time (or moment), Grundtvig referred always to the future, which alone could decide the dispute over Christianity. This future, according to Grundtvig, will not come until the end of all time. But is such a faith in the future identical with nineteenth century theology?However, Grundtvig had another concept of »development«, different from contemporary theologians. He did not subject his Christian outlook on life to an idealist philosophy, such as Protestant theologians after Kant considered it necessary to maintain as modem people. But it was exactly this idealist way of thinking that was the startingpoint for Kierkegaard’s philosophy.The man who refers to the future risks more than the man who holds himselt and others to what they believe at the moment. For Kierkegaard (as for Nietzsche) history was reduced to an existential, irrelevant past. To take up a religious committal to the future is from a Christian point of view to believe that the Christianity of the New Testament will remain the truth - not just for me at the moment (and in a possible, transcendental world) but also after my death in this world. This was what Grundtvig - troubled perhaps but unshakable - believed and preached in this welcome publication of his sermons.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Rasmianto Rasmianto

It cannot be denied that religion and science play im portant roles in human life. The development of science in this modern world does not automatically reduce the influence of religion in human life, as predicted by the secularization theory. The fact that religion and science tend to be firmer interests many people, especially concerning the relation between them. Many perspectives and religious doctrines that seem in contradiction with the theory of modern science may arouse a conflict behveen religion and science. The case of execution to Galileo by the church in the nineteenth century and the long debate between the supporters of the Evolution and those of the Theory of Creation are the real proofs of the conflict between religion and science. To avoid the conflict, many people have tried to find the most appropriate model of relation. In the contemporary era, the "new flow" discussion of religion and science emerges. The discussion not only focuses on the level of discourse but also implementation. Many studies of integrativeinterconnection between religion and science in Islamic tertiary educational institutions indicate the efforts to match religion with science.


Worldview ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (6) ◽  
pp. 7-11
Author(s):  
Quentin L. Quade

"Christ, to be sure, gave His Church no proper mission in the political, economic, or social order, The purpose which He set before her is a religious one." This is a formulation which the Bishops of the Catholic Church asserted in the Conciliar document The Church in the Modern World in the chapter devoted to "The Fostering of Peace and the Promotion of a Community of Nations." From this statement one should not conclude to the political irrelevance of religion. Rather, he should seek further for the precise mode of that relevance; he will find it, I believe, in the religiously enlightened person acting politically.


Author(s):  
Colm Ó Siochrú

This essay explores E. A. Freeman’s conception of the ‘unity of history’. Often presented in ‘Whiggish’ and secular terms, as the development of Roman imperialism into Teutonic liberty and nationality, this idea had deep religious roots and significances. Modernity, for Freeman, evolved in creative ‘continuity’ with Rome; but he considered that legacy contested by rival forms of Catholic Christianity – the papal-Roman, and the Orthodox-Anglican. From the emergence of this tension in Freeman’s youthful notions of the Church, history, and liberty, the essay charts a deepening aversion to ‘ultramontanism’, conceived as an integral programme of papal oppression – ecclesiastical, political, and scientific. The fall of papal Rome to the liberal-national campaign for Italian unification (1870) should have meant the vindication of Freeman’s liberal Catholic vision. The ambivalence marking his response, however, suggested his deepening anxieties concerning the future of modernity’s Christian order.


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