scholarly journals Introduction

Author(s):  
Lucie Lamarche ◽  
Marianne De Troyer

Citizenship, social rights and social cohesion: A priori, the concept of social cohesion evokes the idea of a body of values, norms, behaviours and expectations that, because they are shared, give meaning to “living together”. This is why, at a time of globalization, neo-liberalism, and economic growth at all costs, implementing strategies designed to promote social cohesion is often presented as the antidote to the ills of society and the prerequisite to development. In the literature and political discourse, the concept of social exclusion is used to describe the reality of many social groups today who feel deprived of security and identity and are convinced that they have lost something they once possessed. The question, then, is one of knowing what the obstacle to social cohesion is. Research efforts, as well as international institutions, have abundant recourse to this logic in order to identify and remedy some of the obstacles they perceive as being the causes of social exclusion. For example, in this respect, inclusion and participation in the labour market is the object of sustained attention; the same applies to the war against poverty. Meanwhile, everything points to social exclusion and its opposite, social cohesion, being phenomena that cannot, for the purpose of analysis, be reduced to questions of material dysfunction in a given society. By the same token, social cohesion cannot be reduced to a matter of integration or a fight to leave the margins of society. This is only part of what we learn from the work of Jane Jenson and Mateo Alalouf, whose earlier efforts have inspired several contributions that follow.

Author(s):  
Seher Ozkazanc ◽  
Nihan Ozdemir Sonmez

Having been used extensively since the 1980s, the concept of social exclusion has given a new impetus to the discussions of poverty and disadvantageousness. The concept of social exclusion, which can be defined as the condition in which certain individuals or social groups cannot integrate into the society either socially or economically or politically, leads to social cohesion problems. This triggers segregation of the society, particularly in large cities, in both social and spatial terms. In the context of accessibility, “urban transport” appears as one of the most important factors determining level of social inclusion/exclusion of the individuals or groups. In this study relation between social exclusion and transport has been evaluated as an attempt to identify socio-spatial segregation pattern of Ankara.


Author(s):  
Seher Ozkazanc ◽  
Nihan Ozdemir Sonmez

Having been used extensively since the 1980s, the concept of social exclusion has given a new impetus to the discussions of poverty and disadvantageousness. The concept of social exclusion, which can be defined as the condition in which certain individuals or social groups cannot integrate into the society either socially or economically or politically, leads to social cohesion problems. This triggers segregation of the society, particularly in large cities, in both social and spatial terms. In the context of accessibility, “urban transport” appears as one of the most important factors determining level of social inclusion/exclusion of the individuals or groups. In this study relation between social exclusion and transport has been evaluated as an attempt to identify socio-spatial segregation pattern of Ankara.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (suppl_1) ◽  
pp. S439-S439
Author(s):  
Eric Ellorin ◽  
Jill Blumenthal ◽  
Sonia Jain ◽  
Xiaoying Sun ◽  
Katya Corado ◽  
...  

Abstract Background “PrEP whore” has been used both as a pejorative by PrEP opponents in the gay community and, reactively, by PrEP advocates as a method to reclaim the label from stigmatization and “slut-shaming.” The actual prevalence and impact of such PrEP-directed stigma on adherence have been insufficiently studied. Methods CCTG 595 was a randomized controlled PrEP demonstration project in 398 HIV-uninfected MSM and transwomen. Intracellular tenofovir-diphosphate (TFV-DP) levels at weeks 12 and 48 were used as a continuous measure of adherence. At study visits, participants were asked to describe how they perceived others’ reactions to them being on PrEP. These perceptions were categorized a priori as either “positively framed,” “negatively framed,” or both. We used Wilcoxon rank-sum to determine the association between positive and negative framing and TFV-DP levels at weeks 12 and 48. Results By week 4, 29% of participants reported perceiving positive reactions from members of their social groups, 5% negative, and 6% both. Reporting decreased over 48 weeks, but positive reactions were consistently reported more than negative. At week 12, no differences in mean TFV-DP levels were observed in participants with positively-framed reactions compared with those reporting no outcome or only negatively-framed (1338 [IQR, 1036-1609] vs. 1281 [946-1489] fmol/punch, P = 0.17). Additionally, no differences were observed in those with negative reactions vs. those without (1209 [977–1427] vs. 1303 [964–1545], P = 0.58). At week 48, mean TFV-DP levels trended toward being higher among those that report any reaction, regardless if positive (1335 [909–1665] vs. 1179 [841–1455], P = 0.09) or negative (1377 [1054–1603] vs. 1192 [838–1486], P = 0.10) than those reporting no reaction. At week 48, 46% of participants reported experiencing some form of PrEP-directed judgment, 23% reported being called “PrEP whore,” and 21% avoiding disclosing PrEP use. Conclusion Over 48 weeks, nearly half of participants reported some form of judgment or stigmatization as a consequence of PrEP use. However, individuals more frequently perceived positively framed reactions to being on PrEP than negative. Importantly, long-term PrEP adherence does not appear to suffer as a result of negative PrEP framing. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.


Author(s):  
Svenja Schäfer ◽  
Michael Sülflow ◽  
Liane Reiners

Abstract. Previous research indicates that user comments serve as exemplars and thus have an effect on perceived public opinion. Moreover, they also shape the attitudes of their readers. However, studies almost exclusively focus on controversial issues if they explore the consequences of user comments for attitudes and perceived public opinion. The current study wants to find out if hate speech attacking social groups due to characteristics such as religion or sexual orientation also has an effect on the way people think about these groups and how they think society perceives them. Moreover, we also investigated the effects of hate speech on prejudiced attitudes. To explore the hypotheses and research questions, we preregistered and conducted a 3 × 2 experimental study varying the amount of hate speech (none/few/many hateful comments) and the group that was attacked (Muslims/homosexuals). Results show no effects of the amount of hate speech on perceived public opinion for both groups. However, if homosexuals are attacked, hate speech negatively affects perceived social cohesion. Moreover, for both groups, we find interaction effects between preexisting attitudes and hate speech for discriminating demands. This indicates that hate speech can increase polarization in society.


CADMO ◽  
2009 ◽  
pp. 47-54
Author(s):  
Yulia Pererva

- Since 1997, the Council of Europe has supported a Project on Education for Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights (EDC/HRE) with the aim of complimenting its treaty related activities in the fields of Human and Social Rights. The article presents the programmes and the initiatives supported and developed by the Council of Europe both at an international and at the national levels as well as the most important adopted texts and publications. It outlines the principles on which partnership and networking are built by the Council of Europe in close cooperation with member states and other regional and international institutions.Keywords human rights education, education for democratic citizenship, international cooperation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 849
Author(s):  
Miguel Agudo Zamora

Resumen:Este trabajo analiza la situación en el modelo constitucional español del principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales. Se parte del análisis sucinto del modelo social de nuestra Constitución lo que implica el reconocimiento de derechos económicos y sociales. Este reconocimiento es la plasmación constitucional de los principios de solidaridad y de cohesión social. El principio de cohesión social ha sido definido por el Consejo de Europa e incluido explícitamente en los tratados constitutivos de la Unión Europea. La necesidad de lograr la cohesión social fundamenta la inclusión en las Constituciones y en los tratados internacionales del principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales. En la Constitución española de 1978 este principio no se incluye expresamente. La no inclusión en la Constitución de este principio supone un peligro para la cohesión social en tiempos de crisis económica. Por su parte, el Tribunal Constitucional ha sentado una doctrina ambigua sobre este asunto, que ha sido analizada en este trabajo, así como las más significativas aportaciones doctrinales sobre la materia. Para saber cuáles son los limites de la regresividad de los derechos sociales que dotan de contenido este principio se ha realizado una comparativa internacional y de los principios constitucionales. Del estudio del ordenamiento internacional y de los valores y principios constitucionales se ha obtenido una serie de límites a la regresividad del contenido, eficacia y protección de los derechos sociales. Concluye este trabajo sugiriendo una propuesta de reforma constitucional que incluya el principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales en el texto constitucional estableciendo una serie de requisitos de aquellas medidas que puedan suponer una regresión de contenido de los mismos tales como que deberán justificarse plenamente en referencia a la totalidad de los derechos, valores y principios recogidos en la Constitución y en los tratados internacionales suscritos por el Estado español y en el contexto del aprovechamiento pleno del máximo de los recursos de que se disponga; se aplicarán tras el examen más exhaustivo de todas las alternativas posibles; tendrán en todo caso carácter temporal hasta que las circunstancias económicas permitan restablecer el ámbito material de contenido, eficacia, protección y garantía prexistente de los derechos sociales afectados; en todo caso respetarán el contenido mínimo esencial de los derechos sociales como manifestación de la dignidad humana; serán razonables y estarán suficientemente motivadas; no vulnerarán, entre otros, los principios de seguridad jurídica, confianza legítima, no discriminación e irretroactividad de disposiciones restrictivas de derechos individuales, serán proporcionadas y respetarán los principios de solidaridad, cohesión y sostenibilidad social. Summary1. State, solidarity and social cohesion. 2. Doctrinal and jurisprudential notes on the principle of non-regressivity of social rights. 3. Limits to the regressivity of social rights. a) Limits derived from international law. b) Limits derived from dignity as essential content of social rights. c) Limits derived from the prohibition of arbitrariness: the need for sufficient motivation. 4. Conclusion: constitutionalamendment and non-regressivity of social rights.Abstract:This paper analyzes the constitutional recognition of the principle of non-regressivity of social rights in Spain. It starts from the succinct analysis of the social model of our Constitution which implies the recognition of economic and social rights. This recognition is the constitutionalization of the principles of solidarity and social cohesion. The principle of social cohesion has been defined by the Council of Europe and explicitly included in the constitutive treaties of the European Union. The need to achieve social cohesion underpins the inclusion in the Constitutions and international treaties of the principle of non-regression of social rights. In the Spanish Constitution of 1978 this principle is not expressly included. The non-inclusion in the Constitution of this principle poses a danger to social cohesion in times of economic crisis. For its part, the Constitutional Court has established an ambiguous doctrine on this subject, which has been analyzed in this work, as well as the most significant doctrinal contributions on the subject. In order to know which are the limits of the regressivity of the social rights that give content of this principle an international comparison has been made as well as a study of constitutional principles. Limits to the regressivity of content, effectiveness and protection of social rights have been obtained from the study of international order and constitutional values and principles. This paper concludes by suggesting a proposal for constitutional amendment that includes the principle of non-regressivity of social rights in the Spanish Constitution establishing some requirements of those measures that imply a regression of their content such as: they shall be fully justified in relationship with all the rights, values and principles contained in the Constitution and in the international treaties signed by the Spanish State and in the context of full exploitation of the maximum resources available; Shall be applied after a more comprehensive examination of all possible alternatives; Shall in any case be of a temporary nature until the economic circumstances permit the restoration of the content, effectiveness, protection and pre-existing guarantee of the social rights affected; In any case they will respect the essential minimum content of social rights as a manifestation of human dignity; Shall be reasonable and sufficiently motivated; Shall not infringe, inter alia, the principles of legal certainty, legitimate expectations, non-discrimination and non-retroactivity of provisions restricting individual rights; Shall be proportionate and shall respect the principles of solidarity, cohesion and social sustainability.


Author(s):  
Maciej Kucharczyk

AbstractThe European Pillar of Social Rights is about delivering new and more effective rights for Europeans. It builds upon 20 key principles, structured around three categories: equal opportunities and access to the labour market; fair working conditions; and social protection and inclusion. Directly relevant to older people, the Pillar has the potential to address the multidimensionality of exclusion in later life from a rights-based perspective – for example, by enhancing the rights to quality and affordable health and long-term care, to adequate pensions to live in dignity, to age-friendly working conditions and an inclusive labour market, or to access goods and services. Despite these valuable elements, there remains significant uncertainly around how the Pillar will achieve this and what kind of implemental actions might emerge across member states. This chapter analyses the potential of the European Pillar to address social exclusion of older people in Europe, the challenges that might impede its efforts, and the measures necessary to overcome such challenges.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-41
Author(s):  
Jameel Aljaloudi

This study aims to estimate the negative effects of COVID-19 on the Jordanian economy. These effects are expected to coincide with the results of studies carried out by international institutions. For example, the International Labor Organization (ILO) estimated indicate an increase in the number of unemployed to 5.3 million (the “low” scenario) and 24.7 million (the “high” scenario), from a baseline of 188 million in 2019 (ILO, 2020a). Experts from the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) confirmed that the global economic downturn (caused by the coronavirus pandemic) is the largest in the past eight decades, which will lead to an increase in poverty and inequality and harm economic growth in the long term. (News 18, 2020). To measure the impact of COVID-19 on the Jordanian economy, the following indicators were adopted: an economic growth, an unemployment rate, a foreign trade (imports and exports), public revenues, public spending, a public debt, and a budget deficit. The study relied on data contained in reports issued by international institutions and official institutions in Jordan. The results indicate a slowdown in the rate of economic growth, an increase in the unemployment rate, a decrease in exports and imports, an increase in the public debt and the budget deficit


Author(s):  
Sena Kimm Gnangnon

Recent years’ global shocks (e.g., the 2008 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic) and environmental shocks — such as natural disasters — have heightened the vulnerability of developing countries to future shocks, and can compromise their development prospects. International institutions and researchers have advocated that the strengthening of productive capacities in these countries would help enhance the resilience of their economies to shocks, and promote sustainable development. This paper has examined the effect of productive capacities on economic growth and economic growth volatility in developing countries, in particular when they face a high level of structural economic vulnerability. The analysis covers 117 developing countries over the period of 2000–2018. It shows that productive capacities not only promote economic growth, but also reduce economic growth volatility. On the other hand, structural economic vulnerability reduces economic growth (in particular when it exceeds a certain level), and induces greater volatility of economic growth. Interestingly, productive capacities promote economic growth and reduce economic growth volatility in countries that face a high degree of structural economic vulnerability. These findings support the recommendation by international institutions and researchers that if they were to enhance the resilience of their economies to shocks, and promote sustainable economic growth, developing countries (in particular the poorest ones) should strengthen their productive capacities.


Author(s):  
Bilal Tariq ◽  
Rossazana Ab-Rahim

Employed child or working child is known as child labor in literature. The child labor is an important issue for economic analysts, governments and social groups. The awareness of the exploitation of children, in much of the developing world, has brought the issue of child labor to the forefront of debate within governments and social groups. The purpose of this study is to organize the past literature on trade and child labor. Additionally, this paper presents the conceptual and empirical discussion with some recent estimates of the magnitude of the problem. The review of past studies presents the child laborers’ effect on an economy as well as the debate on the effectiveness of various policies related to trade and economic growth.


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