scholarly journals El principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales en el ordenamiento constitucional español // The principle of non-regressivity of Social rights in the Spanish Constitutional Law

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 849
Author(s):  
Miguel Agudo Zamora

Resumen:Este trabajo analiza la situación en el modelo constitucional español del principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales. Se parte del análisis sucinto del modelo social de nuestra Constitución lo que implica el reconocimiento de derechos económicos y sociales. Este reconocimiento es la plasmación constitucional de los principios de solidaridad y de cohesión social. El principio de cohesión social ha sido definido por el Consejo de Europa e incluido explícitamente en los tratados constitutivos de la Unión Europea. La necesidad de lograr la cohesión social fundamenta la inclusión en las Constituciones y en los tratados internacionales del principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales. En la Constitución española de 1978 este principio no se incluye expresamente. La no inclusión en la Constitución de este principio supone un peligro para la cohesión social en tiempos de crisis económica. Por su parte, el Tribunal Constitucional ha sentado una doctrina ambigua sobre este asunto, que ha sido analizada en este trabajo, así como las más significativas aportaciones doctrinales sobre la materia. Para saber cuáles son los limites de la regresividad de los derechos sociales que dotan de contenido este principio se ha realizado una comparativa internacional y de los principios constitucionales. Del estudio del ordenamiento internacional y de los valores y principios constitucionales se ha obtenido una serie de límites a la regresividad del contenido, eficacia y protección de los derechos sociales. Concluye este trabajo sugiriendo una propuesta de reforma constitucional que incluya el principio de no regresividad de los derechos sociales en el texto constitucional estableciendo una serie de requisitos de aquellas medidas que puedan suponer una regresión de contenido de los mismos tales como que deberán justificarse plenamente en referencia a la totalidad de los derechos, valores y principios recogidos en la Constitución y en los tratados internacionales suscritos por el Estado español y en el contexto del aprovechamiento pleno del máximo de los recursos de que se disponga; se aplicarán tras el examen más exhaustivo de todas las alternativas posibles; tendrán en todo caso carácter temporal hasta que las circunstancias económicas permitan restablecer el ámbito material de contenido, eficacia, protección y garantía prexistente de los derechos sociales afectados; en todo caso respetarán el contenido mínimo esencial de los derechos sociales como manifestación de la dignidad humana; serán razonables y estarán suficientemente motivadas; no vulnerarán, entre otros, los principios de seguridad jurídica, confianza legítima, no discriminación e irretroactividad de disposiciones restrictivas de derechos individuales, serán proporcionadas y respetarán los principios de solidaridad, cohesión y sostenibilidad social. Summary1. State, solidarity and social cohesion. 2. Doctrinal and jurisprudential notes on the principle of non-regressivity of social rights. 3. Limits to the regressivity of social rights. a) Limits derived from international law. b) Limits derived from dignity as essential content of social rights. c) Limits derived from the prohibition of arbitrariness: the need for sufficient motivation. 4. Conclusion: constitutionalamendment and non-regressivity of social rights.Abstract:This paper analyzes the constitutional recognition of the principle of non-regressivity of social rights in Spain. It starts from the succinct analysis of the social model of our Constitution which implies the recognition of economic and social rights. This recognition is the constitutionalization of the principles of solidarity and social cohesion. The principle of social cohesion has been defined by the Council of Europe and explicitly included in the constitutive treaties of the European Union. The need to achieve social cohesion underpins the inclusion in the Constitutions and international treaties of the principle of non-regression of social rights. In the Spanish Constitution of 1978 this principle is not expressly included. The non-inclusion in the Constitution of this principle poses a danger to social cohesion in times of economic crisis. For its part, the Constitutional Court has established an ambiguous doctrine on this subject, which has been analyzed in this work, as well as the most significant doctrinal contributions on the subject. In order to know which are the limits of the regressivity of the social rights that give content of this principle an international comparison has been made as well as a study of constitutional principles. Limits to the regressivity of content, effectiveness and protection of social rights have been obtained from the study of international order and constitutional values and principles. This paper concludes by suggesting a proposal for constitutional amendment that includes the principle of non-regressivity of social rights in the Spanish Constitution establishing some requirements of those measures that imply a regression of their content such as: they shall be fully justified in relationship with all the rights, values and principles contained in the Constitution and in the international treaties signed by the Spanish State and in the context of full exploitation of the maximum resources available; Shall be applied after a more comprehensive examination of all possible alternatives; Shall in any case be of a temporary nature until the economic circumstances permit the restoration of the content, effectiveness, protection and pre-existing guarantee of the social rights affected; In any case they will respect the essential minimum content of social rights as a manifestation of human dignity; Shall be reasonable and sufficiently motivated; Shall not infringe, inter alia, the principles of legal certainty, legitimate expectations, non-discrimination and non-retroactivity of provisions restricting individual rights; Shall be proportionate and shall respect the principles of solidarity, cohesion and social sustainability.

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 881
Author(s):  
Elviro Aranda Álvarez

Resumen:La estabilidad presupuestaria y los límites a la deuda pública se han convertido en los principios referenciales de la política económica de la Unión Europea tras el paso por la crisis económica de los últimos años. La aplicación de estos principios supone hacer grandes recortes en el Estado del Bienestar que puede afectar sustancialmente a los derechos sociales e, incluso, el modelo de Estado de nuestro país. El presente artículo pretende dejar constancia que tanto la interpretación de esos principios como el nuevo artículo 135 de la CE deben ser interpretados de conformidad con las reglas económicas constitucionales que aseguran la vigencia del Estado social y democrático deDerecho.Summary:Introduction 1. Constitutional economic rules in the Spanish Constitution of 1978: the lack of a definite economic model and the diffuse reference to budget stability 2. Public spending as a key instrument in welfare state economic policies. 3. Justice principles regarding public spending contained in article 31.2 of the Spanish Constitution. 3. Budget stability in european law. evolution and goals. 4. The tense balance between economic and social rights and budget stability. Conclusions.Abstract:Budget stability and public debt limits have become key economic policy factors in the European Union in the wake of the recent economic crisis. The application of these principles involves major cuts to the Welfare State that may substantially affect social rights and even the model of State in our country. This article argues that both these principles and the new article 135 of the Spanish Constitution must be interpreted in accordance with constitutional economic rules that ensure the continuing validity of the social and democratic Statebased on the rule of law.


Author(s):  
María DÍAZ CREGO

LABURPENA: Nahiz eta Espainiako Konstituzioak eskubide sozial sorta handia aitortu, bertako 53. artikuluaren jokoak oinarrizko eskubideak bermatzeko mekanismotik kanpo uzten ditu eskubide sozial horiek. Artikulu horrek zalantzan jartzen baitu eskubide sozial gehienen justiziabilitatea. Eta ez hori bakarrik; gainera, oinarrizko eskubideak Auzitegi Konstituzionalean bermatzeko espresuki eraturiko auzibidetik kanpo uzten ditu, hots, babes-errekurtsotik kanpo. Eskubide sozialen degradazio hori, ohikoa Zuzenbide Konparatuan, saihestu izan da, auzitegi nazional eta nazioarteko askotan, eskubideoi zeharkako babesa ematen dieten estrategien bitartez. Ildo horretan, gaurko azterlan honen xedea da babes-errekurtsoetan ezarritako jurisprudentzia konstituzionala analizatzea, ikusteko zer neurritaraino baliatu den Auzitegi Konstituzionala estrategia horietaz Konstituzioak aitortzen dituen eskubide sozial gehienak babes-errekurtsoek eskaintzen duten aterpetik kanpo uzteko joerari aurre egiteko. RESUMEN: A pesar de que la Constitución española reconoce un importante elenco de derechos sociales, el juego de su artículo 53 les excluye de los principales mecanismos de garantía de los derechos fundamentales. Este precepto no sólo pone en duda la justiciabilidad de la mayoría de los derechos sociales, sino que les excluye de la vía procesal específicamente pensada para garantizar los derechos fundamentales ante el Tribunal Constitucional: el recurso de amparo. Esta degradación de los derechos sociales, habitual en Derecho comparado, ha sido salvada por muchos tribunales nacionales e internacionales utilizando estrategias de protección indirecta de estos derechos. En esta línea, el objeto del presente trabajo es analizar la jurisprudencia constitucional sentada en recursos de amparo a fin de identificar en qué medida el Tribunal Constitucional ha hecho uso de esas estrategias para paliar la exclusión de la mayoría de los derechos sociales reconocidos en la Constitución de la protección que otorga el amparo. ABSTRACT: Although the Spanish Constitution recognizes a remarkable cast of social rights, its article 53 excludes these rights from the mechanisms built to guarantee the protection of constitutional rights. Article 53 brings into question the justiciability of most of the social rights recognized in the Spanish Constitution and deprives most of them from the protection granted by the recurso de amparo, the procedural safeguard specifically designed to protect fundamental rights in case of individual violations before the Spanish Constitutional Court. However, this situation is not so atipical as many other national and international courts face this sort of limits by developing a creative case law in order to protect social rights even when the national constitution or the international treaty they interpretate do not expressly recognize these rights. In this sense, the aim of this paper is to analyse the Spanish Constitutional Court’s case law as to determine to what extent it has made use of the indirect strategies to ensure the justiciability of social rights that other courts have already used.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-69
Author(s):  
César Landa ◽  
Isabel Sánchez

The socialist ideas of Russian Revolution were well-known in Peru, according with the struggles of working-class and student movements and the birth of socialist and communist parties. But the Peruvian Constitutions of 1920 and 1993 only opened someone social rights, not only for the workers, but also for the indigenous people to protect their community territories. Only with the Constitution of 1979 the leftwing constituents were almost one third of the constituents. In this way the Constitution included social ideas in the type of State as social and democratic Rule of Law, the equal rights between all persons, particularly between men and women, the employment was protect by the State, the public education cost-free, the property had a social function, the natural resources were of the Nation, and the indigenous and Amazonian communities were protected, etc. But, with the neoliberal Constitution of 1993 the economic model was liberalized in favor of the market and the international investors, reducing the social rights, and the national power was centralized in the Executive Power. But, since 2000, after the fall-down of Fujimori’s regimen, the Constitutional Court played a role of balanced the impact of this new model, according with the international treaties of human rights and social rights. In this sense, the Constitutional Court was able to give the Constitution of 1993 a social content.


2016 ◽  
pp. 91-107
Author(s):  
TUDOREL TOADER ◽  
MARIETA SAFTA

The Constitutional Court has ruled that, by adhering to the legal order of the European Union, Romania agreed that, in those areas where exclusive jurisdiction is conferred on the European Union, regardless of the international treaties priorly signed, implementation of its obligations arising therefrom is subject to the rules of the European Union. Otherwise, this would result in the undesirable situation where, through bi or multilateral internationally assumed obligations, Member State would seriously affect the Union’s competence and, in practice, would act in its place in the aforementioned areas. For this reason, in the field of competition, any State aid falls within the competence of the European Commission and appeal proceedings fall within the jurisdiction of the European Union. Therefore, pursuant to Article 11 para. (1) and Article 148 para. (2) and (4) of the Constitution, Romania applies in good faith the obligations resulting from the Accession Instrument, without interfering with the exclusive competence of the European Union and, by virtue of the compliance clause contained in the text of Article 148 of the Constitution, Romania cannot adopt a legislative act contrary to the obligations assumed as a Member State. All those already highlighted are subject to certain limitations, expressed in what the Court described as “national constitutional identity”.


2020 ◽  
pp. 124-149
Author(s):  
Alessia Barroso Lima Brito Campos Chevitarese ◽  
Ana Borges Coêlho Santos ◽  
Camila Nascimento de Souza

RESUMOO artigo tem por objetivo analisar a efetividade da jurisdição constitucional como mecanismo de emancipação social de determinados grupos a partir de decisões da Corte Constitucional colombiana. Nesse sentido, busca-se compreender a tutela dos direitos sociais, conforme o disposto na Constituição Colombiana de 1991, e os desafios de implementação dos direitos previstos, bem como o contexto de desenvolvimento de um protagonismo mais acentuado da Corte Constitucional colombiana. O estudo investiga se as progressistas decisões da citada Corte são capazes de modificar positivamente a situação social de grupos socialmente vulneráveis, com a finalidade de ponderar, nesse contexto, o papel da jurisdição constitucional na efetividade dos direitos sociais dos jurisdicionados.PALAVRAS-CHAVECorte Constitucional da Colômbia. Emancipação social. Efetividade dos direitos sociais. ABSTRACTThe article aims to analyze the effectiveness of judicial review as a mechanism of social emancipation of certain groups based on decisions of the Colombian Constitutional Court on social rights. In this sense, we seek to understand the protection of social rights, in accordance with the Colombian Constitution of 1991 and the challenges of implementing the rights envisaged, as well as the context of developing a more prominent role of the Colombian Constitutional Court. The study investigates whether if the progressive decisions of the aforementioned Court are capable of positively changing the social situation of socially vulnerable groups, in order to consider, in this context, the role of constitutional jurisdiction in the effectiveness of the social rights.KEYWORDSColombian Constitutional Court. Social emancipation. Effectiveness of social rights.


Author(s):  
José Carlos Vieira de Andrade ◽  
João Carlos Loureiro ◽  
Suzana Tavares da Silva

Portugal was affected simultaneously by an economic, financial, and budgetary crisis. It is in this context that in 2011 the country signed an MoU on Specific Economic Policy Conditionality with the EU, the ECB, and the IMF, which prescribed cuts on social expenses in wages, pensions, and other benefits of an ‘assistentialist’ nature. The legal measures adopted in this respect focused mostly on the social security scheme and introduced changes in the legal framework for future pensions and unemployment benefits, new contributions for pensions in payment, and former non-contributory benefits, as well as cuts in pensions and benefits. Throughout the years, the President of the Republic, members of the parliament, and the Ombudsman have asked the Constitutional Court to assess many of the rules included in the State Budget Laws, arguing a violation of fundamental social rights and basic principles such as human dignity, equality, and the protection of legitimate expectations. This led to the issuance of new and important constitutional case law in Portugal, concerning mainly the assessment of legislative measures under the fundamental principles of legitimate expectations, proportionality, and ‘equal proportionality’.


Author(s):  
Bruno de Witte

This chapter retraces the post-enlargement trajectory of the protection of fundamental social rights in Europe. The chapter selects three years that signpost this trajectory: 2000, when the EU’s Charter of Fundamental Rights was adopted, with the inclusion of a social rights chapter; 2009, when the Lisbon Treaty seemed to contain a renewed promise of social progress in the Union; and 2017, when the European Union launched a European Pillar of Social Rights, as part of an effort to revitalize the social protection agenda of the European Union after the disappointing post-Lisbon years.


2020 ◽  
pp. 507-528
Author(s):  
Marios Costa ◽  
Steve Peers

This chapter examines the social rights that arise as part of free-movement rights under Articles 21, 45, 49 and 59 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). It highlights the extensive interpretation given by the Court of Justice (CJ) to these rights ensuring equality of treatment for those migrants who are economically active. As well as dealing with the provisions in the Citizens’ Rights Directive (CRD) (Directive 2004/38) and Regulation 492/2011 on the free movement of workers, the chapter deals briefly with the provisions relating to social security and EU citizenship.


Author(s):  
Josep M.ª Castellá Andreu

En este estudio se pasa revista a las cinco sentencias dictadas por el Tribunal Constitucional entre 2014 y 2015 en relación con el proceso secesionista iniciado en Cataluña en 2012. Buena parte de las impugnaciones siguen el procedimiento del artículo 161 CE y Título V LOTC y versan unas sobre la constitucionalidad de dos resoluciones aprobadas por el Parlamento de Cataluña en las que se plantea el derecho a decidir, el carácter soberano del pueblo de Cataluña y el inicio del proceso político y de un proceso constituyente, y las otras sobre la regulación y aplicación de los instrumentos para llevar a cabo el proceso secesionista seguido hasta ahora: una llamada consulta popular no referendaria y un proceso de participación ciudadana. Las sentencias advierten contradicciones con la Constitución de las normas y actos impugnados tanto de carácter sustantivo como de orden competencial. Para el Tribunal la reforma constitucional es ineludible a la hora de afrontar el proceso secesionista con respeto al ordenamiento jurídico. Se concluye que el Tribunal en las diferentes sentencias emitidas otorga distinta relevancia a las exigencias de la democracia pluralista y a las de la democracia constitucional.The essay deals with the five rulings dictated by the Constitutional Court in 2014-15 in relation with the secessionist process started in Catalonia in 2012. Most of the cases follow the procedure of section 161.2 Spanish Constitution and Title V of the Organic Law of the Constitutional Court. They are focused on i) the constitutionality of two resolutions passed by the Catalan Parliament on the right to decide, the sovereignty of Catalan people and the beginning of the political and constituent processes and ii) the regulation and exercise of the instruments to reach the secessionist process followed until now: a so-called popular consultation without referendum and a participatory process. The rulings take into account the contradiction of the norms and acts contested with the Constitution, in both substantive and allocation of powers perspectives. For the Court the constitutional amendment is ineluctable to confront the secessionist process. We conclude that the Constitutional Court assumes in the different rulings differently the obligations of a pluralist and of a constitutional democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-435
Author(s):  
Stefanie Börner

The common legal and economic framework of the European Union (EU) has turned the vast socio-economic differences within Europe into virulent problems of social inequality – issues that it attempts to tackle within its limited resources. The article takes the EU’s self-expressed social commitment as a starting point and analyses its approaches to social policy from a social-rights perspective. It first discusses why Marshall’s social-citizenship concept provides a useful analytical tool to assess the social policies enacted so far at the European level and then presents an institutional analysis of the EU’s four major social-policy activities: harmonising, funding, coordination and cooperation. This analysis focuses on the horizontal and vertical relationships and the addressees of these policies to determine how these policies measure up against social-rights standards. The findings point to the poor development of transnational social citizenship given the special nature of EU social policies. The only social rights that exist at the European level are in the field of social-security coordination. And even those are marked by a double selectivity that excludes citizens who are not transnationally active and those who are but lack the necessary means to provide for themselves.


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