The False Dawn of Poor-Law Reform: Nixon, Carter, and the Quest for a Guaranteed Income

1998 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-129 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alice O'Connor

In August 1969, President Richard M. Nixon approached the American people with a radical proposal to do what the federal government had never done before: guarantee a minimum level of income for every American family unable to provide one for itself. Eight years later, in August 1977, President Jimmy Carter announced a similar proposal for a federal guarantee of income, this time along with an expansion of public works jobs. Like Nixon before him, Carter soon abandoned his bill, and with it the quest for a federal income guarantee. Thus, inconclusively, ended a decade-long struggle to replace the nation's uncoordinated, incomplete collection of welfare programs with a single, comprehensive system of federal relief. This struggle took place against a backdrop of economic stagnation and demographic change that sent social spending soaring and made existing poor-relief arrangements seem increasingly obsolete. It also tapped into growing taxpayer resentment and a rising tide of popular animosity toward welfare. In part for these reasons, the quest for a guaranteed income marked the end of an era of liberal government activism against poverty, and ushered in a new era of poor-law reform. Welfare, not poverty, was the social problem of the 1970s. And the idea of a guaranteed income was the solution embraced by a new, more chastened and conservative, ideological center.

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil L. Kunze

It is the purpose of this essay to rescue the Henrician Poor Law of 1536 from its relative obscurity by examining the statute as the beginning of a new legislative era in English economic and social history. Although the non-exist ence of House of Commons Journals for this period prevents a detailed study of the making and makers of the Henrician poor law legislation, documents hitherto neglected, exist for a comparative study of Tudor poor law policy. Whether dealing with the nineteenth-century corn law question or with the sixteenth-century poor law policy, few historians give sufficient time and attention to a detailed analysis of the actual statutes of the realm.Historians have ignored the Henrician statutes and usually begin their discussions of English poor relief by describing and interpreting the famous Elizabethan Poor Law of 1601. If mentioned at all, the Henrician legislation is presented as an ineffective attempt to solve the problem of poverty. Often this legislation is the subject of unfavorable generalizations:The social legislation of Henry's Parliaments was not only scant but brutal and demoralizing in that it reflected a puritanical callousness in assessing poverty as the just desert of sloth and evildoing. … Thus Elizabeth inherited the problem of widespread poverty with her crown; and her legislative program was immediate, massive, and positive.


2010 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 157-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia Crossman

ABSTRACTThis paper focuses on the campaign to reform the Irish poor law in the 1860s. Debate on poor law reform highlighted fundamental divisions over the principles underlying the New Poor Law as well as widespread dissatisfaction with the poor law system in Ireland particularly within the Catholic community. Led by the leading Catholic cleric, Archbishop Paul Cullen, critics of the Irish poor law sought to lessen reliance on the institution of the workhouse and to expand outdoor relief thus bringing the system closer to its English model. The poor law authorities supported by the Irish landed elite fought successfully to maintain the limited and restrictive nature of the system fearful of the consequences of extending local discretion. The paper reveals the contested nature of poor relief both in principle and in practice, and the centrality of social issues to Irish political debate in decades after the Great Famine.


2013 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 399-429 ◽  
Author(s):  
SAMANTHA A. SHAVE

ABSTRACTEngland was blighted by frequent agricultural depressions in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Recurrent crises brought poor law reform to the parliamentary agenda and led to the passage of two non-compulsory pieces of legislation, Sturges Bourne's Acts of 1818 and 1819. These permissory acts allowed parishes to ‘tighten up’ the distribution of poor relief through two vital tools: the formation of select vestries, and the appointment of waged assistant overseers. Whilst previous studies have tended to represent the legislation as a failing reform in the dying days of the old poor law, we know remarkably little about the relief practices deployed by parishes operating under the auspices of Sturges Bourne's Acts. This article starts by detailing the genesis of the reforms before considering the provisions of the acts and their rates of adoption in rural England. Focusing upon administrative records from Wessex and West Sussex, the article proceeds to examine the inspection of relief claimants, and judgments made as to their ‘character and conduct’; the general measures taken to reduce outdoor relief; and their alternative strategies for allocating relief. It is argued that the reforms re-drew the distinction between ‘deserving’ and ‘undeserving’ poor, ultimately changing individuals' and families' entitlement to relief under the old poor laws.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
Celal Hayir ◽  
Ayman Kole

When the Turkish army seized power on May 27th, 1960, a new democratic constitution was carried into effect. The positive atmosphere created by the 1961 constitution quickly showed its effects on political balances in the parliament and it became difficult for one single party to come into power, which strengthened the multi-party-system. The freedom initiative created by 1961’s constitution had a direct effect on the rise of public opposition. Filmmakers, who generally steered clear from the discussion of social problems and conflicts until 1960, started to produce movies questioning conflicts in political, social and cultural life for the first time and discussions about the “Social Realism” movement in the ensuing films arose in cinematic circles in Turkey. At the same time, the “regional managers” emerged, and movies in line with demands of this system started to be produced. The Hope (Umut), produced by Yılmaz Güney in 1970, rang in a new era in Turkish cinema, because it differed from other movies previously made in its cinematic language, expression, and use of actors and settings. The aim of this study is to mention the reality discussions in Turkish cinema and outline the political facts which initiated this expression leading up to the film Umut (The Hope, directed by Yılmaz Güney), which has been accepted as the most distinctive social realist movie in Turkey. 


Repositor ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (9) ◽  
Author(s):  
Feny Aries Tanti ◽  
Galih Wasis Wicaksono ◽  
Agus Eko Minarno

AbstrakJalan merupakan prasarana yang ada di darat untuk sektor sosial dan ekonomi. Kesadaran pemerintah dalam memperbaiki jalan yang rusak merupakan hal utama dalam anggaran daerah. Peningkatan jumlah lokasi jalan berkaitan dengan peningkatan jumlah perbaikan jalan yang akan dilakukan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menentukan lokasi perbaikan jalan yang terbaik. Jalan yang diperbaiki berdasarkan dari beberapa alternatif posisi lokasi perbaikan jalan. Cara menetapkan lokasi perbaikan jalan dengan memberikan posisi peringkat alternatif berdasarkan kriteria yang sudah ditetapkan. Berdasarkan pertimbangan kriteria dapat diukur secara kuantitatif dengan menggunakan metode AHP (Analytical Hierarchy Process) dan SAW (Simple Additive Weighting). Berdasarkan hasil pengujian terhadap program sudah dapat digunakan. Hasil dari perhitungan program sudah sesuai dengan hasil perhitungan yang sudah dilakukan. Pengujian dilakukan terhadap 10 responden. Dengan sistem ini diharapkan membantu pihak Pekerjaan Umum (PU) Bina Marga untuk menentukan lokasi perbaikan jalan secara lebih objektif. Kata Kunci: Analytical Hierarchy Process, Simple Additive Weighting, Sistem Pendukung KeputusanAbstractThe road is a land-based infrastructure for the social and economic sectors. Government awareness in repairing a broken road is a key thing in a regional budget. The increasing number of road locations relates to the increasing number of road repairs to be made. The research aims to determine the location of the best road repairs. The repaired path is based off several alternative position of road repair location. How to set the road repair location by providing an alternate ranking position based on the criteria already set. Based on consideration criteria can be measured quantitatively by using AHP (Analytical Hierarchy Process) and SAW (Simple Additive Weighting). Based on the test results of the program can be used. The results of the program calculation are already in accordance with the calculated results. Testing was conducted against 10 respondents. This system is expected to assist the Public Works (PU) of Bina Marga to determine the location of road repairs in a more objective. Keyword: Analytical Hierarchy Process, Simple Additive Weighting, Decision Support System


BMJ ◽  
1906 ◽  
Vol 2 (2398) ◽  
pp. 1747-1747
Author(s):  
C. L. Birmingham
Keyword(s):  

1983 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Herbert F. Weisberg

We are now entering a new era of computing in political science. The first era was marked by punched-card technology. Initially, the most sophisticated analyses possible were frequency counts and tables produced on a counter-sorter, a machine that specialized in chewing up data cards. By the early 1960s, batch processing on large mainframe computers became the predominant mode of data analysis, with turnaround time of up to a week. By the late 1960s, turnaround time was cut down to a matter of a few minutes and OSIRIS and then SPSS (and more recently SAS) were developed as general-purpose data analysis packages for the social sciences. Even today, use of these packages in batch mode remains one of the most efficient means of processing large-scale data analysis.


The Lancet ◽  
1910 ◽  
Vol 176 (4543) ◽  
pp. 976
Author(s):  
Lovell Drage
Keyword(s):  

1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 561-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy A. Tilton

Implicit in Dahrendorf's Society and Democracy in Germany and explicit in Moore's Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy are respectively a liberal and a radical model of democratic development. Neither of these models adequately accounts for the experience of Sweden, a remarkably successful “late developer.” Although Swedish industrialization proceeded with little public ownership of the means of production, with limited welfare programs until the 1930s, and above all with restricted military expenditure—all factors Dahrendorf implies are crucial for democratic development—it did not produce the traditional liberal infrastructure of bourgeois entrepreneurs nor a vigorous open market society. Similarly only three of Moore's five preconditions for democracy obtained in Sweden: a balance between monarchy and aristocracy, the weakening of the landed aristocracy, and the prevention of an aristocratic-bourgeois coalition against the workers and peasants. There was no thorough shift toward commercial agriculture and, most important, there was no revolutionary break with the past. Consequently, one has to evolve a radical liberal model of development which states the conditions for the emergence of democracy in Sweden without revolution. This model contains implications for the further modernization of American politics.


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