From interference to transfer in language contact: Variation in voice onset time

2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 359-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luiza Newlin-Łukowicz

AbstractThis study examines cross-generational differences in the realization of an English phonological contrast by bilingual Polish Americans in New York City. I analyze the production of voice onset time (VOT) in underlying stops, as intinandden, and stops derived from interdental fricatives, as in [t]in forthinand [d]en forthen, in an English-only reading task. Generation one exhibits VOT “interference” for both stop types, with a bias toward interference for voiced stops. Generation two “transfers” Polish-like VOTs to derived stops. I argue that the cross-generational progression from theglobaleffects of interference to thefocusedpresence of transfer is filtered through L1 markedness and reflects speakers' growing sensitivity to L2 phonology and social considerations. The observed asymmetries in the distribution of interference/transfer are unaccountable by existing models of L2 acquisition and motivate a view of L1/L2 phonetic categories as governed by a variable grammar with access to phonological and social information.

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy L. Face ◽  
Mandy R. Menke

AbstractPrevious studies of native English speakers learning Spanish as a second language (L2) document compromise voice onset time (VOT) values; however, the focus has been predominantly on voiceless stops and has almost exclusively investigated beginning and intermediate learners. This study fills a gap in the literature by considering the acquisition of VOT in both voiceless and voiced Spanish stops by long-time native English-speaking residents of Spain. Overall, the results show that the L2 speakers’ VOT values differ from those of native speakers across all stop consonants; yet L2 speakers’ productions of voiceless, as opposed to voiced, stops more closely approximate those of native speakers. Considerable individual variation is observed as no speaker achieves native-like performance overall, and no consonant is mastered by more than half of the speakers. Results are considered in light of what they contribute to our understanding of ultimate attainment of Spanish VOT, specifically, and L2 phonology more generally.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesse Stewart

In Ecuador there exists a dynamic language contact continuum between Urban Spanish and Rural Quichua. This study explores the effects of competing phonologies with an analysis of voice onset time (VOT) production in and across three varieties of Ecuadorian highland Spanish, Quichua, and Media Lengua. Media Lengua is a mixed language that contains Quichua systemic elements and a lexicon of Spanish origin. Because of this lexical-grammatical split, Media Lengua is considered the most central point along the language continuum. Native Quichua phonology has a single series of voiceless stops (/p/, /t/, and /k/), while Spanish shows a clear voicing contrast between stops in the same series. This study makes use of nearly 8,000 measurements from 69 participants to (i) document VOT production in the aforementioned language varieties and (ii) analyse the effects of borrowings on VOT. Results based on mixed effects models and multidimensional scaling suggest that the voicing contrast has entered both Media Lengua and Quichua through Spanish lexical borrowings. However, the VOT values of voiced stops in Media Lengua align with those of Rural and L2 Spanish while Quichua shows significantly longer prevoicing values, suggesting some degree of overshoot.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antje Stoehr ◽  
Titia Benders ◽  
Janet G van Hell ◽  
Paula Fikkert

Speech of late bilinguals has frequently been described in terms of cross-linguistic influence (CLI) from the native language (L1) to the second language (L2), but CLI from the L2 to the L1 has received relatively little attention. This article addresses L2 attainment and L1 attrition in voicing systems through measures of voice onset time (VOT) in two groups of Dutch–German late bilinguals in the Netherlands. One group comprises native speakers of Dutch and the other group comprises native speakers of German, and the two groups further differ in their degree of L2 immersion. The L1-German–L2-Dutch bilinguals ( N = 23) are exposed to their L2 at home and outside the home, and the L1-Dutch–L2-German bilinguals ( N = 18) are only exposed to their L2 at home. We tested L2 attainment by comparing the bilinguals’ L2 to the other bilinguals’ L1, and L1 attrition by comparing the bilinguals’ L1 to Dutch monolinguals ( N = 29) and German monolinguals ( N = 27). Our findings indicate that complete L2 immersion may be advantageous in L2 acquisition, but at the same time it may cause L1 phonetic attrition. We discuss how the results match the predictions made by Flege’s Speech Learning Model and explore how far bilinguals’ success in acquiring L2 VOT and maintaining L1 VOT depends on the immersion context, articulatory constraints and the risk of sounding foreign accented.


2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 254-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fred Eckman ◽  
Gregory Iverson ◽  
Jae Yung Song

This paper reports results on the acquisition of the English /p/–/b/ contrast by native speakers of Arabic. This contrast does not exist in the participants’ native language (NL). The central finding of this study is that some of the research participants exhibited a covert contrast between these segments in their interlanguage productions. That is, two of the five Arabic-speaking participants who were transcribed as having no contrast between [p] and [b] did, in fact, produce a statistically reliable distinction in voice onset time lags between the two target segments. The existence of such an intermediate stage of covert contrast in the learning of L2 phonology is eminently plausible, in view of the progressive nature of phonological acquisition. Our results help bring the learning of second-language contrasts into conformity with findings of the same phenomenon in the areas of L1 acquisition and phonologically disordered speech.


2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika S. Schmid ◽  
Steven Gilbers ◽  
Amber Nota

The present article provides an exploration of ultimate attainment in second language (L2) and its limitations. It is argued that the question of maturational constraints can best be investigated when the reference population is bilingual and exposed on a regular basis to varieties of their first language (L1) that show cross-linguistic influence. To this end, 20 advanced Dutch–English bilinguals are compared to 9 English native speakers immersed in a Dutch environment. All participants are teachers or students of English at a Dutch institution of higher education. The populations are shown to be at similar global proficiency levels. Two phonetic variables (voice onset time or VOT and vowel discrimination) and one grammatical variable (verb phrase ellipsis), which are assumed to present particular challenges to Dutch learners of English, are explored, and speakers are furthermore rated for their global nativeness. The findings show no differences between populations on VOT but some variance on the production of a vowel that has no correlate in Dutch (the English trap vowel). However, all but one of the L2ers are rated outside the range of the natives on perceived foreign accent. There are also differences between groups where acceptance of different sentence types with verb phrase ellipsis are concerned. We interpret these findings to indicate that there are areas of L2 knowledge and production that are persistently difficult to acquire even under circumstances that are highly favourable for L2 acquisition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 434-444
Author(s):  
Mohd Hilmi Hamzah ◽  
Ahmed Elsayed Samir Madbouly ◽  
Hasliza Abdul Halim ◽  
Abdul Halim Abdullah

The English voiceless stop /p/ and voiced stop /ɡ/ are absent in the consonant inventory of Arabic. This difference provides a fertile ground for empirical research in L2 speech learning among Arab L2 speakers of English. The current study, therefore, aims to explore the English stop voicing contrast as produced by Arab native speakers. Focusing on Voice Onset Time (VOT) as an acoustic parameter, the study seeks to examine the extent to which (1) Arab L2 speakers of English maintain the English stop voicing contrast for /p-b/ and /k-ɡ/, and (2) the L2 VOT continuum by Arab L2 speakers follows or deviates from the L1 VOT continuum in English. The acoustic phonetic experiment involved elicited materials of /p-b/ and /k-ɡ/ from four male native speakers of Arabic. The tokens were recorded in isolation (utterance-initial position) and in a carrier sentence (utterance-medial position). The data were then acoustically analysed following standard segmentation, annotation and measurement criteria. Results reveal that the Arab L2 speakers can, to a large extent, maintain the English stop voicing contrast across all places of articulation, with voiced stops usually being produced with “normal” negative VOT (prevoicing) and voiceless stops usually being produced with “normal” positive VOT and also accompanied with aspiration in the long-lag region. There are also exceptional cases of “abnormal” negative VOT (prevoicing) for voiceless stops and “abnormal” positive VOT (devoicing) for voiced stops, with an extremely larger number of devoiced tokens for voiced stops in comparison to prevoiced tokens for voiceless stops. The results accord well with the Speech Learning Model’s prediction that phonetically “new” sounds are relatively easier to learn than phonetically “similar” sounds. The conclusion is drawn that languages sharing the same sound contrast may exhibit different phonetic implementations in marking a phonological contrast.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-295
Author(s):  
Seung-Eun Chang ◽  
Karina Mandock

The current study investigates heritage language (HL) learners’ production of the Korean three-way stop contrast. Korean consonants include a typologically rare distinction among three types of voiceless stops typically described as plain /p, t, k/, aspirated /ph, th, kh/, and tense /p*, t*, k*/. This study examines how this phonological contrast is implemented by HL learners enrolled in a beginning level Korean class at a university. Language-specific (i.e., English and Korean) gender effects in VOT are also explored in HL learners. The results show that voice onset time (VOT) mainly serves to differentiate tense stops from plain and aspirated stops, while f0 plays a significant role in differentiating plain from aspirated and tense stops in HL learners. This finding is consistent with accounts of sound change under way in current Korean stops. The inter- and intraspeaker variations or categorical confusion with Korean plain stops commonly shown in second language (L2) learners is not found in HL learners of this study. Hence, the results of the present study support the view that HL learners preserve the phonological and phonetic benefits in their HL. In terms of gender-based differences, VOT is found to be shorter for males in plain and aspirated stops, while it is longer for males in tense stops. Finally, this study also suggests that controlling the heterogeneity of subjects mitigates the methodological challenges of HL research.


Languages ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Šárka Šimáčková ◽  
Václav Podlipský

Previous research indicates that alternating between a bilingual’s languages during speech production can lead to short-term increases in cross-language phonetic interaction. However, discrepancies exist between the reported L1–L2 effects in terms of direction and magnitude, and sometimes the effects are not found at all. The present study focused on L1 interference in L2, examining Voice Onset Time (VOT) of English voiceless stops produced by L1-dominant Czech-English bilinguals—interpreter trainees highly proficient in L2-English. We tested two hypotheses: (1) switching between languages induces an immediate increase in L1 interference during code-switching; and (2) due to global language co-activation, an increase in L1-to-L2 interference occurs when bilinguals interpret (translate) a message from L1 into L2 even if they do not produce L1 speech. Fourteen bilinguals uttered L2-English sentences under three conditions: L2-only, code-switching into L2, and interpreting into L2. Against expectation, the results showed that English VOT in the bilingual tasks tended to be longer and less Czech-like compared to the English-only task. This contradicts an earlier finding of L2 VOT converging temporarily towards L1 VOT values for comparable bilingual tasks performed by speakers from the same bilingual population. Participant-level inspection of our data suggests that besides language-background differences, individual language-switching strategies contribute to discrepancies between studies.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 316-330
Author(s):  
Jolanta Sypiańska

Abstract Although research on foreign language learning among seniors has recently accelerated, studies on L2 phonology in this age group remain scarce. Seniors may be at a great disadvantage when it comes to learning the sounds of a foreign language because age of onset has been shown to correlate negatively with ultimate attainment especially for phonology (Piske et al. 2001). However, this is all the more reason to attempt a better understanding of the mechanisms of senior. This paper offers an attempt at shedding light on how senior learners with an age of L2 onset above 60 produce voiced and voiceless L2 word-initial stops. Twenty L1 Polish senior learners of English were asked to read a list of words containing word-initial voiced and voiceless plosives in their L2 English at A2+/B1 level according to CEFR. The results show that the senior Polish learners of English produce an in-between category for the English stops (with VOT longer than for Polish, but shorter than native English). The senior learners also experienced L1 drift, but mostly in the voiceless L1 Polish stops.


Author(s):  
Delano S. Lamy

AbstractThe present study is concerned with language contact between Creole English and Spanish spoken by bilingual West Indians living in Panama City, Panama. The goal is to examine the speech patterns of monolinguals of Creole English and Spanish and Creole English-Spanish bilinguals by employing the comparative variationist method. A series of statistical comparisons of the factors contributing to voice onset time (VOT) of the voiceless coronal plosive /t/ in four varieties were carried out to address phonetic permeability due to contact. These comparisons reveal evidence of different types of contact-induced outcomes among bilinguals. When speaking Spanish, convergence, which is the result of direct transfer from Creole English, is apparent in terms of rate of speech. When speaking Creole English, there is also evidence of convergence, particularly in the preceding segment variable. Furthermore, the comparisons reveal processes of indirect transfer from Spanish, such as simplification in terms of following vowel height, and the creation of alternations in terms of phone position and syllable stress. These contact-induced changes are interpreted as evidence that bilingual West Indians are resisting influence from a more dominant Mestizo culture, and are creating West Indian norms. It is proposed that this community is in the initial stages of developing new emerging varieties.


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