‘What a Republic It Was!’ Public Violence and State Building in the Bohemian Lands after 1918

2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 303-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Václav Šmidrkal

AbstractThis article discusses the public violence that occurred in the Bohemian lands after the establishment of Czechoslovakia in 1918. It follows the tension between the self-empowered people, who expected a profound change in their daily lives, and the state, which sought stabilisation through the continuity of institutions. Using the examples of the Železná Ruda mutiny in July 1919 and the workers’ general strike in December 1920, the article shows that public violence was relatively easily manageable by a combination of negotiations and force, for it did not pursue a clear vision opposing Czechoslovakia but rather tried to participate in its formation.

Author(s):  
Ioana Szeman

This chapter proposes the citizenship gap as a paradigm that connects the experiences of migrants and minorities who have legal citizenship but few de facto rights and uses a performance lens to bring scholarship on citizenship in conversation with research on migration and minorities. It argues that the concepts of performance and performativity allow us to grasp modes of citizenship that do not follow verbal, logocentric interactions and are not directly addressed to the state and state institutions and to follow the citizenship gap as it is experienced in people’s daily lives. Using an intersectional lens and ethnographic research with Roma in Romania, the chapter follows the performative and everyday iterations and enactments of citizenship among different Roma. It argues that the concepts of the public and audience in theorizations of citizenship need to be reconfigured to include Roma, other minorities, and migrants more generally, and shows how Roma artists and activists claim countercultural citizenship and belonging in a variety of media and through acts of citizenship that may otherwise be overlooked.


Simulacra ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-200
Author(s):  
Fachrizal Halim

This paper analyzes the hardening religious difference in contemporary Canadian society and explains why the presence of Muslims, including new converts, constantly incites in the public imagination the primordial threat of Islam to the secular accomplishments of Canadian society. Relying on the available data and previous research on the historical formation of the secular in Canada, the author attempts to detect a paradox within the state-lead politics of recognition that unintentionally creates the conditions for new communal conflicts” (warna kuning) diubah menjadi “Relying on the available data and previous research on the historical formation of the secular in Canada, the author attempts to detect a paradox within the statelead politics of recognition that unintentionally creates the conditions for new communal conflicts. By using an inductive generalization, the author argues that the perceived incompatibility between Islam and secular values is derived not so much from cultural and theological differences or actual political threats posed by Muslims or Indigenous converts. It instead emanates from the self-understanding of the majority of Canadians that defined the nation as essentially Christians and simultaneously secular.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (78) ◽  
pp. 785-811
Author(s):  
Dario I. Restrepo Botero ◽  
Camilo A. Peña Galeano

Implementation of the peace accords signed by the Colombian government and the leadership of FARC-EP will have strong institutional constraints. The central dilemma of the integration of post-conflict territories to the nation is the following: Will the State be taken to the provinces, or will the State be built from below, through strong social participation and a lasting local institutional creation? Although the agreements signed are part of the centralist tradition of building the national State from the top, they also provide space for significant reforms that would deepen the decentralisation process. To contribute to the public debate on the "territorial and differentiated construction" of peace, this essay reflects on how to operate in the 170 municipalities prioritised for intervention and proposes a series of institutional reforms not foreseen in the agreements, which would facilitate territorial State-building.


2020 ◽  
pp. 25-30
Author(s):  
V.V. Sukhonos

Considering the essence of self-government, L. Stein believed that the easiest way to understand it is to trace the historical course of the development of the idea of self-government, the creation and strengthening of its organs. Self-government could not arise with absolutism, both monarchical and republican. It is possible only in the context of a constitutional order that ensures the freedom of development of self-governing local institutions. L. Stein's views closely adhered to the public theory of self-government. He was closer to her than R. Gneist. In particular, for him the state and the self-governing unions are social organisms. The state has the task of carrying out tasks of national importance, and on the bodies of self-government the implementation of local, special tasks, which, by virtue of their local importance, must be entrusted to the bodies of local self-government, as institutions close to the locality and directly interested in the implementation of local affairs. Recognizing the community as a social organism and the presence of special local public affairs, which are the competence of local governments, L. Stein pointed out that at the same time these special public affairs are also public affairs. He did not oppose the self-government bodies of governmental bodies, but acknowledged that both of them and others make one common state business, only the first local and the second general. L. Stein considered that local self-government is a participation in government, since it expresses the representation of only those local interests that are conditioned by land ownership, through which only at least mainly the interests associated with this can be combined. possession. But in self-government there are many interests that have nothing to do with land ownership and a large number of citizens who do not have such ownership, so they, on the basis of L. Stein's definition, should be excluded from local self-government. Thus, in defining local self-government as his main feature, L. Stein took not land or territorial district but land property. As for the structure of local self-government bodies, L. Stein believed that any public association that performs the tasks of government should be a permanent, organized and recognized government. His organization should be similar to the state, which achieves the unity of free government. Thus, L. Stein, distinguishing between the competences of state bodies and self-government bodies, did not oppose them to each other, but believed that local self-government bodies could even cope better with “assigned cases” than the state authorities themselves. He considered the main feature of local selfgovernment not land or territorial district, but land ownership. At the same time, the basis of the election, from his point of view, is not ownership, but belonging to well-known corporations and paying taxes.


Author(s):  
Pavlo Yu. Hrytsenko ◽  

The report emphasizes that the language development of the state remains a priority for the legislative and executive power, academics and the public. In recent years, the volume and complexity of the study of the Ukrainian language has increased, including substantiation of ways and forms of nationalization of the Ukrainian language, achieving conflict-free linguistic existence of society, which requires further development and deepening of academic research, expansion of issues aimed at meeting the practical needs of state building, improving the structure and expanding staffing and logistics of the basic institution in linguo-ukrainistic studies: the Institute of the Ukrainian Language of the NAS of Ukraine.


1997 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suad Joseph

The nation/state as an imaginative enterprise encompasses multiple imagined subnational boundaries. The ‘public/private’, I suggest, is a ‘purposeful fiction’ constitutive of the will to statehood. As such, its configurations are impacted upon by the institutions and forces competing with and within state-building enterprises. Proposing the terms government, non-government and domestic as analytical tools to demarcate discursive and material domains, I argue that, in Lebanon, the fluidity of boundaries among these spheres is constitutive of patriarchal connectivity, a form of patriarchal kinship linked to the state-building enterprise.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rostislav I. Kapeliushnikov

Using published estimates of inequality for two countries (Russia and USA) the paper demonstrates that inequality measuring still remains in the state of “statistical cacophony”. Under this condition, it seems at least untimely to pass categorical normative judgments and offer radical political advice for governments. Moreover, the mere practice to draw normative conclusions from quantitative data is ethically invalid since ordinary people (non-intellectuals) tend to evaluate wealth and incomes as admissible or inadmissible not on the basis of their size but basing on whether they were obtained under observance or violations of the rules of “fair play”. The paper concludes that a current large-scale ideological campaign of “struggle against inequality” has been unleashed by left-wing intellectuals in order to strengthen even more their discursive power over the public.


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