The Public/Private – The Imagined Boundary in the Imagined Nation/State/Community: The Lebanese case

1997 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suad Joseph
Keyword(s):  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Will ◽  
Building Enterprise ◽  
Imagined Nation ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
Building Enterprises

The nation/state as an imaginative enterprise encompasses multiple imagined subnational boundaries. The ‘public/private’, I suggest, is a ‘purposeful fiction’ constitutive of the will to statehood. As such, its configurations are impacted upon by the institutions and forces competing with and within state-building enterprises. Proposing the terms government, non-government and domestic as analytical tools to demarcate discursive and material domains, I argue that, in Lebanon, the fluidity of boundaries among these spheres is constitutive of patriarchal connectivity, a form of patriarchal kinship linked to the state-building enterprise.

scholarly journals The Sphere of Critical Thinking in a Post-Epistemic World

1994 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Steve Fuller
Keyword(s):  
Critical Thinking ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Big Science ◽  
The Public ◽  
Critical Attitude

Just as political theorists have long argued that democracy is viable only in communities of certain sizes and shapes, perhaps epistemologists should also entertain the idea that knowledge is possible only within certain social parameters-ones which today's world may have exceeded. This is what I mean by the "postepistemic" society. I understand an "epistemic society" in Popperian terms as an environment that fosters the spirit of conjectures and refutations. After castigating analytic philosophers for their failure to see this point, I show how Rousseau and Feyerabend occupy analogous positions as critics of, respectively, the nation-state and Big Science. Rather than endorsing the disestablishment of the state, however, I offer a proposal for reinjecting the critical attitude into Big Science. It involves heightening the sporting character of scientific disputes, perhaps even to the point of enabling the public to bet on their outcomes.

scholarly journals Catch 22: The Privatization of Danish TV 2 vs. EU Rules of State Aid

2006 ◽  
Vol 22 (40) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Frands Mortensen
Keyword(s):  
Historical Development ◽  
Equity Capital ◽  
State Aid ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Sales Process ◽  
Public Broadcaster ◽  
The Will ◽  
Catch 22 ◽  
The Eu

Since 2001, the Danish government has wanted to privatize the public broadcaster TV 2; however, the sales process has been halted. Ap- parently the EU rules on competition block for the will of the majority in the Danish parliament. The presentation explains this paradox by de- scribing the historical development of two processes: the attempt to the privatize TV 2 and the state aid cases against TV 2, which were opened by the Commission and now pending at the Court of First In- stance. The conclusion finds no inconsistency between the govern- ment's wish and the rules on State aid, but TV 2 has unlawfully trans- ferred funding for programming to equity capital, and the Commissi- ons has misinterpreted the conditions for using Article 86(2) in the Treaty in the evaluation of the recapitalization of TV 2. These two processes now obstruct each other.

American Political Development from Citizens' Perspective: Tracking Federal Government's Presence in Individual Lives over Time

2007 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 110-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne Mettler ◽  
Andrew Milstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Quarter Century ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Analytical Tools ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Over Time

Although scholars of American political development (APD) have helped transform many aspects of the study of U.S. politics over the last quarter-century, they have barely begun to use the powerful analytical tools of this approach to elucidate the relationship between government and citizens. APD research has probed deeply into the processes of state-building and the creation and implementation of specific policies, yet has given little attention to how such development affects the lives of individuals and the ways in which they relate to government. Studies routinely illuminate how policies influence the political roles of elites and organized groups, but barely touch on how the state shapes the experiences and responses of ordinary individuals. As a result, we know little about how governance has influenced citizenship over time or how those changes have, in turn, affected politics.

scholarly journals The Civic Duty to Report Crime and Corruption

2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candice Delmas
Keyword(s):  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
The State ◽  
Moral Duty ◽  
Civic Duty ◽  
The Public ◽  
Corrupt Activity ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Government ◽  
General Scope

Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s law enforcement efforts. The resulting duty is triply general in that it applies to everyone, everywhere, and covers all criminal and corrupt activity. In this paper, I challenge the general scope of this argument. I argue that that the civic duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities is much narrower than the government claims and people might think, for it only arises when the state (i) condemns genuine wrongdoing and serious ethical offenses as “crime” and “corruption,” and (ii) constitutes a dependable “disclosure recipient,” showing the will and power to hold wrongdoers accountable. I further defend a robust duty to directly report to the public—one that is weightier and wider than people usually assume. When condition (ii) fails to obtain, I submit, citizens are released of the duty to report crime and corruption to the authorities, but are bound to report to the public, even when the denunciation targets the government and is risky or illegal.

scholarly journals The process of weakening of nation-state in the era of NEO-liberalism and the crisis of democracy

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-55
Author(s):  
Svetlana Stamenova
Keyword(s):  
Complex System ◽  
National Identity ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
Social Relations ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
State Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
National State

The article aims to show that as a result of globalization and NEO-liberal form of governance and ideology, the state was weakened through a complex system of economic, financial, technological and social relations on a global scale. The withdrawal of the state from regulative functions on its territory is a refusal of the state for ideological mobilization of its populace based on nationalism and national identity. During the decline of national identity, the national state moves its role from imposing of cultural and national homogeneity, a characteristic of the earlier stage of nation-state building, to supporting cultural diversity. Crisis of democracy and emergence of post-democracy are considered and the question about possibility of having democracy beyond the nation-state borders.

4. The Nation-State

2020 ◽  
pp. 69-85
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Poggi
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Ideal Type ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Public ◽  
State And Society ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
Legitimate Violence

This chapter examines how the nation-state came into being and how it became dominant as a political unit. It first presents a general and streamlined portrait of the state—a concept that sociologists inspired by Max Weber might call an ideal type. In particular, it considers some of the characteristics of a nation-state, including monopoly of legitimate violence, territoriality, sovereignty, plurality, and relation to the population. The chapter proceeds by discussing a more expansive concept of the nation-state, taking into account the role of law, centralized organization, the distinction between state and society, religion and the market, the public sphere, the burden of conflict, and citizenship and nation. The chapter also describes five paths in state formation and concludes with an assessment of three main phases which different European states have followed in somewhat varying sequences: consolidation of rule, rationalization of rule, and expansion of rule.

scholarly journals The University and the State in a Global Age: Renegotiating the Traditional Social Contract?

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 324-341 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Kwiek
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
The State ◽  
Nation State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Global Age ◽  
Social Pact ◽  
Post War ◽  
The University ◽  
The Welfare State

This article is based on the Keynote Address to the European Conference on Educational Research (ECER), Dublin, Ireland, 7–10 September 2005. It argues that we are facing the simultaneous renegotiation of the major post-war social contract (concerning the welfare state) in Europe and the renegotiation of a smaller-scale modern social pact: the pact between the university and the nation-state. It suggests that the current, and especially future, transformations of the university are not fully clear outside of the context of transformations to the state (and to the public sector) under global pressures. These pressures, both directly and indirectly, will not leave the university as an institution unaffected. Thus it is more useful today than ever before to discuss the future of the university in the context of the current transformations of the state. The study is divided into four sections: a brief introduction; a section on the university and the welfare state in Europe; a section on the university and the nation-state in Europe; and tentative conclusions.

scholarly journals The Constitutional Model of the Interconnection between the Rights of Individuals to Public Finances and the Powers of Public Authorities

2019 ◽  
pp. 54-66
Author(s):  
Andriy KHUDYK
Keyword(s):  
Well Being ◽  
The State ◽  
Financial Resources ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Public Interests ◽  
Public Finances ◽  
The Public ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Individual

The article examines the process of constitutionalization of public finances through the prism of the constitutional model of the interconnection between the rights of individuals to public finances and the powers of public authorities in this field. It is emphasized that from the standpoint of anthroposociocultural approach, public finances are intended to ensure the public interests of individuals through the use of financial resources at the disposal of the state. Public finances involve choosing between different tasks and goals, and this choice quite often involves addressing the issue of expediency, which in its turn comes to the problem of the effective organization of public finances in order to meet the public needs of all individuals. It is noted that from the standpoint of the Constitution of Ukraine, the effectiveness of the state depends on to what extent it is able to meet the public needs and interests of individuals. The role of the state comes to creating such conditions and mechanisms for the realization of interests that, through the implementation of state policy, will promote the well-being of individuals. That is why the state cannot and is not authorized by the Constitution of Ukraine to ignore the real needs of society and of particular social groups. The will of the society must be embodied in laws that should reflect the public interests of individuals and not the private interests of certain members of society. In our opinion, the complete elimination of the state from the sphere of public finances and the equalization of consumption of the commons may contribute to the emergence of providing public services. It is concluded that the purpose of public finances is to organize the performance of the duty of public authorities on the proper management of public financial resources to the public interest of the individual. The purpose of public authorities is to ensure the will of the owner. In consequence, public financial resources cannot be used by the state for anything at all, but only for the public needs of individuals. Public financial resources are subject to the specific regime in order to designate them to serve the public needs of individuals. Therefore, the Constitution of Ukraine obliges the state to carry out fair and impartial distribution and redistribution of public financial resources on behalf and for the benefit of society.

scholarly journals Summer Camps and Civil War

2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-95
Author(s):  
Hannah Klapprodt
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
The United States ◽  
State Building ◽  
State Violence ◽  
The State ◽  
Summer Camps ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Security Threat ◽  
Youth Movement ◽  
Building Process

This project investigates the rise of the Yemeni insurgent group, AnsarAllah (commonly known as the Huthis), from its conception in the summer camps of the Zaidi Believing Youth movement to its successful rebellion against the internationally-backed Yemeni government in September 2014. The Huthi movement gained a large following by protesting government corruption, injustice, and Saudi and American activity in Yemen. A constructivist analysis of these grievances reveals flaws in the Yemeni nation-state building process as nationalist narratives were created in opposition to Zaidism—the second most practiced branch of Islam in Yemen and a defining element of Huthi identity. Under the guise of “transitional democracy,” the Yemeni state developed as a pluralist authoritarian regime that marginalized Zaidi communities. Anti-Zaidi discourse created exclusionary categories of Yemeni identity, which were intensified by a series of hostile interactions between the state and Huthi leaders. In 2004, the state rationalized violence against the Huthis by framing them as a “national security threat” and an Iranian proxy. These discourses mobilized additional domestic and international actors against the Huthis and catalyzed a series of complex conflicts that eventually culminated in the current civil war. Overall, the Huthis’ journey from summer camps to militancy was driven by marginalization in the new Yemeni nation-state, perceived threats from Saudi Arabia and the United States, and the explosion of state violence against their dissidence.

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