The 2011 Debt-Ceiling Controversy and the 2012 US House Elections

2015 ◽  
Vol 48 (03) ◽  
pp. 420-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
James E. Monogan

ABSTRACTThis article considers how a key legislative vote—that is, the August 2011 vote to raise the federal debt ceiling—influenced the 2012 elections for the US House of Representatives. Two outcomes are analyzed: (1) the incumbents’ ability to retain their seats through the 2012 general election, and (2) their share of the two-party vote for members who faced a general-election competitor. In developing this study, the research design was registered and released publicly before the votes were counted in 2012. Therefore, this article also illustrates how study preregistration can work in practice for political science. The findings show that seat retention did not vary with the treatment; however, incumbents who voted against raising the debt ceiling earned an additional 2.4 percentage points of the two-party vote.

2004 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jamie L. Carson ◽  
Michael H. Crespin ◽  
Jeffery A. Jenkins ◽  
Ryan J. Vander Wielen

This paper replicates the findings that appeared in the article “Severing the Electoral Connection: Shirking in the Contemporary Congress,” published in theAmerican Journal of Political Science(44:316–325), in which Lawrence Rothenberg and Mitchell Sanders incorporated a new research design and, contrary to all previous studies, found evidence of ideological shirking in the U.S. House of Representatives. We investigate the robustness of their results by reestimating their model with Congress-specific fixed effects and find that their results no longer hold.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (03) ◽  
pp. 584

AsPSheads to press, political science research funding is under direct threat in the US Congress, which is considering appropriations for the National Science Foundation (NSF) for FY 2013 as part of FY 2013 Commerce, Justices, Science Appropriations Bill. In early May, the House of Representatives passed the Flake Amendment to prohibit the use of any NSF funds “to carry out the functions of the political science program” by a vote of 218 to 208.


Author(s):  
Halyna Shchyhelska

2018 marks the 100th anniversary of the proclamation of Ukrainian independence. OnJanuary 22, 1918, the Ukrainian People’s Republic proclaimed its independence by adopting the IV Universal of the Ukrainian Central Rada, although this significant event was «wiped out» from the public consciousness on the territory of Ukraine during the years of the Soviet totalitarian regime. At the same time, January 22 was a crucial event for the Ukrainian diaspora in the USA. This article examines how American Ukrainians interacted with the USA Government institutions regarding the celebration and recognition of the Ukrainian Independence day on January 22. The attention is focused on the activities of ethnic Ukrainians in the United States, directed at the organization of the special celebration of the Ukrainian Independence anniversaries in the US Congress and cities. Drawing from the diaspora press and Congressional Records, this article argues that many members of Congress participated in the observed celebration and expressed kind feelings to the Ukrainian people, recognised their fight for freedom, during the House of Representatives and Senate sessions. Several Congressmen submitted the resolutions in the US Congress urging the President of United States to designate January 22 as «Ukrainian lndependence Day». January 22 was proclaimed Ukrainian Day by the governors of fifteen States and mayors of many cities. Keywords: January 22, Ukrainian independence day, Ukrainian diaspora, USA, interaction, Congress


2003 ◽  
Vol 185 ◽  
pp. 9-16

The outlook for world growth this year has deteriorated since April, due to a sharp contraction in world trade in the first quarter of the year and failure to sustain the revival in private sector investment seen in the fourth quarter of 2002. We have as a consequence revised our projections for world growth this year down by ¼ percentage point. This reflects sharp downward revisions of ½–¾ percentage points in the Euro Area and Canada, both of whose exchange rates have continued to appreciate in effective terms, while the outlook for the US and Japan is broadly unchanged. Growth in Japan and the Euro Area stagnated in the first half of 2003, with recessions in Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Austria appearing likely. The US and Canada, on the other hand, continued to expand, albeit more slowly than in the second half of 2002. Following two years of exceptional weakness, Latin American growth has started to revive, although Venezuela is still suffering from the 2 month stoppage in the oil industry earlier this year and Argentina has lost competitiveness due to a strong appreciation against the dollar. Growth has slowed in several Asian economies, notably South Korea, but China continues to expand rapidly, spurred by the competitiveness impact of the dollar depreciation and infrastructure preparations for the 2008 Olympics. This has helped sustain export growth from the rest of Asia despite the more widespread slowdown in world trade.


1926 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 392-395
Author(s):  
Harold S. Quigley

A new statute for the election of members of the House of Representatives was promulgated in Japan on May 5, 1925, and will be applicable in the next general election. It is Japan's fourth electoral law, the previous ones having been promulgated in 1889, 1900, and 1919, respectively. All three of the earlier laws based the suffrage upon a tax-paying qualification, the first requiring voters to pay fifteen yen in direct national taxes, the second reducing the required tax to a minimum of ten yen, the third decreasing it still further to three yen. The present law abolishes the tax-paying qualification and provides that all males twenty-five years of age and over, who are not otherwise disqualified, and who do not receive “public or private relief or help for a living, on account of poverty,” shall be entitled to exercise the suffrage. In addition to paupers and vagabonds, there continue to be excluded from the franchise active members of the army and navy, certain classes of civilian officials, women, and the heads of noble houses. Priests, religious teachers, primary school teachers, government contractors, and certain classes of students hitherto unenfranchised now gain the suffrage and may become candidates for election. Under the law of 1889 the franchise was exercisable by 450,000 men, and under that of 1900 by 983,000; the act of 1919 increased the electorate to 2,860,000; while the present law raises it to an estimated total of 12,000,000.


1998 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-329 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan I. Leib ◽  
Gerald R. Webster

2021 ◽  

Qualitative comparative methods – and specifically controlled qualitative comparisons – are central to the study of politics. They are not the only kind of comparison, though, that can help us better understand political processes and outcomes. Yet there are few guides for how to conduct non-controlled comparative research. This volume brings together chapters from more than a dozen leading methods scholars from across the discipline of political science, including positivist and interpretivist scholars, qualitative methodologists, mixed-methods researchers, ethnographers, historians, and statisticians. Their work revolutionizes qualitative research design by diversifying the repertoire of comparative methods available to students of politics, offering readers clear suggestions for what kinds of comparisons might be possible, why they are useful, and how to execute them. By systematically thinking through how we engage in qualitative comparisons and the kinds of insights those comparisons produce, these collected essays create new possibilities to advance what we know about politics.


2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 256-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Michaels ◽  
Xiaojia Zhi

Do firms always choose the cheapest suitable inputs, or can group attitudes affect their choices? To investigate this question, we examine the deterioration of relations between the United States and France from 2002–2003, when France's favorability rating in the US fell by 48 percentage points. We estimate that the worsening attitudes reduced bilateral trade by about 9 percent and that trade in inputs probably declined similarly, by about 8 percent. We use these estimates to calculate the average decrease in firms' willingness to pay for French (or US) commodities when attitudes worsened. (JEL D24, F13, F14, L14, L21)


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document