Themed Section on the Policy Process and Social Policy

2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-304
Author(s):  
Hugh M. Bochel

Despite the frequent comparisons and discussions of continuity between the Conservatives' social policies and those of New Labour, it is certainly true that the mechanisms which each has used to develop and implement social policy have been rhetorically, and often practically, different. Under the Conservatives the emphasis on markets and marketisation, with the centrality of the ‘consumer’, was reflected in social policy including through devices such as privatisation, compulsory competitive tendering, the creation of internal markets, managerialism and the use of ‘Next Steps’ agencies for delivery. New Labour's approach has made familiar terms such as ‘joined-up’ government, ‘evidence-based’ policy, ‘partnership’, ‘modernisation’ and ‘democratic renewal’. And, whatever might be said about their social policies, New Labour have shown a degree of radicalism in their governmental and constitutional reforms, most notably perhaps through devolution to Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and the passing of the Human Rights Act. At the same time, the EU has been developing as a political and decision-making entity with an emerging social dimension, that has, as Duncan argues here, the potential for some impact on UK social policy.

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Hartlapp

AbstractDespite the fact that economic concerns are the main driver of the EU integration process, integration does carry a substantial social dimension. Yet, it remains an open question whether this social dimension ‘only’ supports the market or whether goals such as social justice, solidarity and employment conditions are independent of or even work against goals of market efficiency. To address this question the paper presents an original dataset on all 346 binding EU social policy acts adopted since the Union’s founding. In a descriptive approach, I contrast instruments and dynamics in areas and subfields connected more closely to the common market with those more directly constituting a social dimension in its own right. On this basis, I argue that the shape of EU social policy has substantially changed, strengthening its market-supporting dimension while weakening policy focused on its social dimension. The paper opens up for discussion possible political dynamics driving these patterns.


2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Willert

This article analyses how the social objective of protecting lower earners from old-age poverty is supported at the EU level. It argues that although the Member States are responsible for pension policy, the EU framework could empower domestic social policy actors by providing them with cognitive and normative resources. The analysis is based on the situation in three countries: Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom. The article shows that there are well developed shared data and indicators, but that there is limited scope for common interpretation of the data. There is also a lack of common policy solutions due to two diverging pension reform paradigms: the adequacy paradigm and the sustainability paradigm. Although the latter increasingly has incorporated an adequacy perspective that limits pure cost containment policies, Europe 2020 limits the scope for positive social policy measures linked to the adequacy approach because it prioritizes a low tax wedge and growth-enhancing initiatives.


Author(s):  
Sacha Garben

The Title ‘Social Policy’, comprising Articles 151–161 TFEU, provides the legal basis and framework for the EU’s social and labour law and policy. Article 4 TFEU lists ‘social policy, for the aspects defined in this Treaty’ as a competence shared between the EU and the MS, and Article 5 TFEU states that ‘the Union may take initiatives to ensure coordination of Member States’ social policies’. Title X TFEU further defines these powers.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 315-324 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Parry

The policy process in the devolved Scottish system reconciles the Scottish themes of delivering social policy from the centre, through channels of advice and professional direction, and the New Labour theme of broad social policy strategies aiming at better service delivery and employment outcomes. Beneath the surface issues there is a trend to re-structure some services. The Scottish Executive's strategy Social Justice, set out in annual reports, relates devolved and non-devolved responsibilities in a way that has implications for the structure of Executive departments and the policy-making demands made upon civil servants. The research reported here uses interviews with officials to explore the structures of policy making in the Executive within a context of expectations about ministerial and official roles inherited from the previous administrative devolution.


2020 ◽  
pp. 87-97

The paper presents specific aspects and goals of social policy of the European Un­ion (EU). The historical review chronologically presents the development of the EU’s social policy along with the development of the euro­integration. The specific features of EU social policy have been analyzed: limited legislative powers of EU institutions, almost complete control of the national governments of mem­ber states in the social field, and the indirect mechanisms of influence and monitoring on national policy by EU institutions. Special at­tention is paid to the study of mechanisms for implementing EU social policies that support national social policies, i.e. the labour mar­ket, employment and unemployment control; working conditions, free access to jobs and the fight against all forms of discrimination; social support, health and pensions; solu­tions in the field of demographic policy, the fight against poverty and social exclusion, and much more. As a result, the possibilities of structural, investment and social funds distrib­uted by the EU to beneficiaries in member states to achieve the common goals of the Union, as well as the EU regulatory mecha­nisms for implementing common standards through programs, rules and directives, have been studied. Achievements in the social field of the EU, new challenges, problems and prospects for the development of social policy of the EU have been analyzed.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
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Social policies are central to regional social integration. This article addresses this with the European Union (EU) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It considers the part that access to social security, social assistance, health and education services play in facilitating free movement within regions. The article shows that in the EU the formal reality of free movement is substantially curtailed by problems with the portability of and access to social benefits. In SADC migrants' access to social protection and social services show remarkable similarity to the EU. Access to social assistance is missing in both regions for some movers. Given the symbolic nature of the “no recourse to public funds for migrants“ mantra of national social policies in both regions the article concludes that a policy and funding response at the regional or even global level is required if regional social integration is to be enhanced through social policy. Spanish Las políticas sociales son fundamentales para la integración social regional. Este artículo aborda este precepto en la Unión Europea (UE) y la Comunidad de Desarrollo de África Austral (SADC), considerando que los servicios de acceso a la seguridad social, a la asistencia social, a la salud y a la educación juegan un papel en la facilitación de la libre circulación entre regiones. El documento muestra que en la UE la realidad formal de la libre circulación se ve sustancialmente reducida por problemas con la portabilidad y el acceso a las prestaciones sociales. En la SADC el acceso de los migrantes a la protección social y a los servicios sociales muestra una marcada similitud con la UE. En ambas regiones, el acceso a la asistencia social no existe para algunos sujetos. Dado el carácter simbólico del mantra de las políticas sociales nacionales en ambas regiones de "no recurrir a los fondos públicos para los migrantes", el trabajo concluye que se requiere una respuesta política y definanciación a nivel regional, o incluso mundial, si se pretende mejorar la integración social regional a través de la política social. French Les politiques sociales se situent actuellement au cœur de l'intégration sociale régionale. Ce document aborde ce e question dans le cas de l'Union européenne (UE) et de la Communauté de développement d'Afrique australe (SADC). Il considère le fait que, l'accès à la sécurité sociale, aux services sociaux, à la santé et à l'éducation participe de manière effective à la libre circulation des personnes au sein des régions. Le document montre que dans l'UE, la réalité formelle de la libre circulation est considérablement restreinte par des problèmes liés à l'adaptation et à l'accès aux prestations sociales. L'accès des migrants à la protection sociale et aux services sociaux au sein du SADC montre des similitudes remarquables avec l'UE. L'accès à l'aide sociale est absent dans les deux régions pour certains transfrontaliers. Compte tenu de la nature symbolique du «non recours aux fonds publics pour les migrants" appliqué dans les politiques sociales nationales de ces deux régions, cet article conclut qu'une politique et une réponse financière élaborée au niveau régional ou même mondial sont nécessaires si l'on souhaite que l'intégration régionale sociale soit renforcée par la politique sociale.


Significance While not moving many key players, she has sought to maintain the balance of opinion on Brexit while placing more emphasis on areas of social policy separate from the question of the United Kingdom’s departure from and future relationship with the EU. However, difficulties in convincing ministers to shift roles have limited the impact of a series of changes that were only ever likely to be incremental. Impacts The balance of the cabinet has shifted slightly towards the ‘party pragmatists’ faction that unenthusiastically favoured ‘Remain’ in 2016. May’s hope to raise the profile of social policies may prove optimistic given the extent to which Brexit dominates all else in UK politics. Creating the position of a Brexit ‘no deal’ minister would lead to the EU taking this possibility more seriously and preparing accordingly. The promotion of Matt Hancock to culture secretary could mark him out as a potential future party leadership candidate.


2011 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Marie Gray ◽  
Derek Birrell

In analysing governance and social policy in Northern Ireland in the period of devolution 1999–2002 Eithne McLaughlin described and predicted the dominance of a lowest common denominator approach to the formulation of social policies. This paper examines the period of restored devolution 2007–11 using this thesis. It identifies the trends in the development of social policies after 2007 and examines social policy-making by the government under five categories. Having established the reasons for this complex approach to social policy formulation, consideration is also given to the outcomes of the policy process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-39
Author(s):  
Paul Copeland

Integration within the European social dimension, understood as the EU’s competence in the field of employment and social policy, has been fraught with obstacles. Divisions between the EU’s Member States have limited integration and resulted in a complex and piecemeal system of governance that is low down on the EU’s list of priorities. The UK is often regarded as a major obstacle limiting the scope of integration in the field and this is not without good reason. Historically, the UK has formed coalitions to block policy negotiations within the European Council and has pushed for minimal neoliberal obligations in the field. The UK’s departure from the EU could result in a step-change for the European social dimension. However, as this article will argue, the UK’s departure from the EU will do little to alter the current dominance of a neoliberal market-led ideology, as it currently transcends the political agency of the UK.


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