scholarly journals Revisiting patterns in EU regulatory social policy: (still) supporting the market or social goals in their own right?

2019 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Hartlapp
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Process Integration ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Employment Conditions ◽  
Original Dataset ◽  
Main Driver ◽  
The Common ◽  
Open Question ◽  
The Eu

AbstractDespite the fact that economic concerns are the main driver of the EU integration process, integration does carry a substantial social dimension. Yet, it remains an open question whether this social dimension ‘only’ supports the market or whether goals such as social justice, solidarity and employment conditions are independent of or even work against goals of market efficiency. To address this question the paper presents an original dataset on all 346 binding EU social policy acts adopted since the Union’s founding. In a descriptive approach, I contrast instruments and dynamics in areas and subfields connected more closely to the common market with those more directly constituting a social dimension in its own right. On this basis, I argue that the shape of EU social policy has substantially changed, strengthening its market-supporting dimension while weakening policy focused on its social dimension. The paper opens up for discussion possible political dynamics driving these patterns.

The European social dimension in pension policy

2012 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 319-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michaela Willert
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Pension Reform ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Pension Policy ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Europe 2020 ◽  
Social Objective ◽  
The Social ◽  
Old Age Poverty ◽  
The Eu

This article analyses how the social objective of protecting lower earners from old-age poverty is supported at the EU level. It argues that although the Member States are responsible for pension policy, the EU framework could empower domestic social policy actors by providing them with cognitive and normative resources. The analysis is based on the situation in three countries: Germany, Poland and the United Kingdom. The article shows that there are well developed shared data and indicators, but that there is limited scope for common interpretation of the data. There is also a lack of common policy solutions due to two diverging pension reform paradigms: the adequacy paradigm and the sustainability paradigm. Although the latter increasingly has incorporated an adequacy perspective that limits pure cost containment policies, Europe 2020 limits the scope for positive social policy measures linked to the adequacy approach because it prioritizes a low tax wedge and growth-enhancing initiatives.

Mutual Recognition, Pre-emption and De-centralisation in the Common Agricultural Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 135-157
Author(s):  
Annalisa Volpato
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
National Level ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Policy Area ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Food Law ◽  
The Common ◽  
Regulatory Powers ◽  
The Eu

The CAP is a fundamental policy area which has experienced profound changes since its establishment in the early years of EU integration – changes in nature, organization and power balance between the EU and national level. Within this policy area, the principle of mutual recognition is traditionally considered inapplicable. However, the increasing decentralisation of the CAP and subsequent regaining of regulatory powers by the Member States may pave the way for a more significant application of this principle. Mutual recognition also finds application in some sectoral legislation in the field. Thus, the objective of this contribution is to reflect on the role of the principle of mutual recognition in light of this evolution and, in doing so, highlighting the correlations between this principle, pre-emption and decentralisation in EU agri-food law.

scholarly journals Eu integration: the meaning of the common agricultural policy

2019 ◽  
pp. 54-69
Author(s):  
Nadiia Kryvenko
Keyword(s):  
Agricultural Policy ◽  
Common Agricultural Policy ◽  
Agricultural Sector ◽  
Food Products ◽  
Common Market ◽  
Agricultural Products ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

Introduction. Integration has reached its highest level of development in the EU, and particular attention is drawn to the agrarian integration and resolution of these problems at the beginning of the integration process. This in its turn confirms the significant importance of the agrarian sector for the member-states. Although, the majority of this market participant does not trade agricultural products. The growing global food problem, the positive consequences of the CAP for EU integration, the significant importance of the agricultural sector for Ukraine, which is one of the major exporters of some agri-food products, and the existence of a number of regional trade agreements confirm the importance of research of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Purpose. It is pivotal to explore the importance of the EU CAP for the development of EU integration, its goals and changes, the mechanism, the formation of a common market. In addition, it is a positive experience of the integration group and Ukraine can learn a lesson if manages to analyze the EU’s place in the world market of agricultural products. Methods. The methods of theoretical generalization, historical method, method of analysis, comparison, and graphical method were used in the article for revealing the features of the CAP and the EU as an exporter of agricultural products. Results. The research shows the importance of the agrarian integration of the EU (it is confirmed by the CAP) and the impact of the CAP on the development of integration. In the case of enlargement of the EU, difficulties are often caused by agrarian policy. The article analyzes the aims of the CAP, which varied during the group history depending on a number of factors, and it shows its flexibility and compliance with urgent problems. The creation of a common market and the use of appropriate regulatory measures (which can also be used by Ukraine) are analyzed. It is determined that the EU is one of the world’s major producers and exporters of agri-food products, and its export share of many product is more than 30% or even 50%. Discussion. In further research it is advisable to focus on the stages and reforms of the CAP and to take into account some new aims CAP for the agricultural policy of Ukraine.

scholarly journals Integrationists, Critical Europeanists and Pessimist Europeanists: Attitudinal mindsets on the EU among German students

2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Céline Teney ◽  
Juan Deininger ◽  
Josefine Zurheide
Keyword(s):  
Data Collection ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Latent Class ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Integration Project ◽  
Open Question ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Eu ◽  
The Way

We investigate the mindsets on the EU of students enrolled in a German university. We conducted an online survey among students of a German university (N=730) and asked them closed questions on the EU enlargement, the allocation of authority at the EU level, the way democracy works at the EU level and an open question on their wish for the future of the EU. We then ran a latent class analysis of the recoded answer categories from the open question and of our set of closed questions. Our three-class solution highlights variation in support of the EU among students. Indeed, while the vast majority of the respondents show highly supportive attitudes toward the EU, we can distinguish between “Integrationists” (in favour of pursuing the EU integration project; 68% of the sample), “Critical Europeanists” (supportive of the EU but dissatisfied with the way democracy works at the EU level; 20,50% of the sample) and “Pessimist Europeanists” (supportive of the EU but afraid of the implosion of the EU; 11% of the sample). A further analysis of the narratives provided by members of each class to the open question enables us to shed light on variation within each latent class. In particular, we find variation (1) in the dimensions and policies the EU should further integrate according to the Europeanists, (2) in the types of EU institutions to be further democratised and strategies to improve the democratisation of the EU regime according to the Critical Europeanists and (3) in strategies the EU should follow to avoid its implosion according to the Pessimist Europeanists. Our study highlights the importance of the use of non-standardised measures and mixed-methods data collection for grasping citizens´ mindset on the EU in its multidimensionality and complexity.

scholarly journals Why Brexit Will Do Little to Change the Political Contours of the European Social Dimension

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 30-39
Author(s):  
Paul Copeland
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Good Reason ◽  
Step Change ◽  
European Council ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Major Obstacle ◽  
Political Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

Integration within the European social dimension, understood as the EU’s competence in the field of employment and social policy, has been fraught with obstacles. Divisions between the EU’s Member States have limited integration and resulted in a complex and piecemeal system of governance that is low down on the EU’s list of priorities. The UK is often regarded as a major obstacle limiting the scope of integration in the field and this is not without good reason. Historically, the UK has formed coalitions to block policy negotiations within the European Council and has pushed for minimal neoliberal obligations in the field. The UK’s departure from the EU could result in a step-change for the European social dimension. However, as this article will argue, the UK’s departure from the EU will do little to alter the current dominance of a neoliberal market-led ideology, as it currently transcends the political agency of the UK.

Themed Section on the Policy Process and Social Policy

2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 303-304
Author(s):  
Hugh M. Bochel
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Policy Process ◽  
New Labour ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Evidence Based ◽  
Social Policies ◽  
Internal Markets ◽  
Competitive Tendering ◽  
Human Rights Act ◽  
The Eu

Despite the frequent comparisons and discussions of continuity between the Conservatives' social policies and those of New Labour, it is certainly true that the mechanisms which each has used to develop and implement social policy have been rhetorically, and often practically, different. Under the Conservatives the emphasis on markets and marketisation, with the centrality of the ‘consumer’, was reflected in social policy including through devices such as privatisation, compulsory competitive tendering, the creation of internal markets, managerialism and the use of ‘Next Steps’ agencies for delivery. New Labour's approach has made familiar terms such as ‘joined-up’ government, ‘evidence-based’ policy, ‘partnership’, ‘modernisation’ and ‘democratic renewal’. And, whatever might be said about their social policies, New Labour have shown a degree of radicalism in their governmental and constitutional reforms, most notably perhaps through devolution to Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales, and the passing of the Human Rights Act. At the same time, the EU has been developing as a political and decision-making entity with an emerging social dimension, that has, as Duncan argues here, the potential for some impact on UK social policy.

scholarly journals EU citizenship and social solidarity

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 703-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Mantu ◽  
Paul Minderhoud
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Social Dimension ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
Social Solidarity ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Political Debates ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Eu

In this article, we seek to place the CJEU’s recent case law on social rights for economically inactive EU citizens within the larger political context of the last couple of years that has been characterized by the increased contestation of the type of mobility underpinning EU citizenship. The relationship between EU citizenship and social solidarity – in the form of social rights for mobile EU citizens – has taken centre stage during the Brexit affair. Political debates concerning the free movement of (poor) EU citizens have focused upon the issues of the abuse of free movement rights and welfare tourism, despite a lack of evidence that the two are actually taking place on a large scale within the EU. The now defunct Brexit deal highlights the extension of debates that initially focused on economically inactive EU citizens to EU workers, whose mobility had been considered a positive aspect of EU integration. The scope of social solidarity in the EU is demoted as a result of judicial and political interventions that question the social dimension of EU citizenship and which may have implications for other groups of migrants situated within the EU.

Solidarity’s reach

2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (5) ◽  
pp. 740-762 ◽  
Author(s):  
Violeta Moreno-Lax
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Refugee Protection ◽  
Eu Integration ◽  
Functional Nature ◽  
The Common ◽  
External Dimension ◽  
Policy Fields ◽  
Practical Investigation ◽  
The Eu

Solidarity has a key role to play in the allocation of responsibility for refugee protection, as is implied by Article 80 TFEU. Yet, EU law fails to provide a definition and a clear indication of what it entails, especially as for its external reach. Against this background, this article embarks on a theoretical/practical investigation of the normative bases of ‘EU solidarity’. Building on a cosmopolitan vision, it unpacks the multi-polar/multi-functional nature of the concept, as a founding value and constitutional (meta-)principle of EU law. In such a guise, it will posit that solidarity gives rise to an (autonomous) primary law duty of responsibility sharing/good faith cooperation that requires ‘fairness’ and ‘respect for fundamental rights’, as a uniform/all-pervading structural command generally applicable across policy fields. So configured, solidarity governs intra/extra-EU relations (based on the principle of coherence). The institutional, material, and procedural aspects of solidarity are thus explored to distil its horizontal, vertical, and systemic facets. Combined, they arguably produce a triple duty of conduct, loyalty, and result that permeates EU integration as a whole, calling into question the self-serving approach currently guiding the Common European Asylum System’s (CEAS) ‘external dimension’, as exemplified by the EU-Turkey ‘deal’.

Die Europäische Union: eine neue Supermacht mit imperialen Ambitionen?

2005 ◽  
Vol 35 (139) ◽  
pp. 247-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans-Jürgen Bieling
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Europäische Union ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Sovereignty ◽  
Military Conflicts ◽  
Imperial Power ◽  
International Role ◽  
Open Question ◽  
The Eu

Recent theoretical conceptions of imperialism may be useful correctives against idealising and harmonising views of international interdependency and co-operation. Analytically, however, they are not necessarily helpful. In terms of the EU, they do not really comprehend its particular international role. Despite improved financial and military capacities, the EU represents not yet an imperial power. Instead, it still pursues a rather hegemonic foreign policy approach due to internal economic restrictions, fragmented political sovereignty and the historical experiences of beneficial economic and political co-operation after World War II. Eventually, however, it remains an open question, whether the multilateralist, law-based and co-operative posture of the EU will prevail even under conditions of economic crisis and further military conflicts in the adjacent neighbourhood.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document