Transatlantic Contrafacta, Musical Formats, and the Creation of Political Culture in Revolutionary America

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-419 ◽  
Author(s):  
GLENDA GOODMAN

AbstractThis article investigates Revolutionary-era American political culture through contrafacta of the British anthem “God Save the King.” Before, during, and after the Revolution the tune was frequently set with new lyrics that addressed political topics. The formats through which the song circulated (it was disseminated widely in manuscript and print), shaped the meaning and reception of these various contrafacta. Tracking “God Save the King” through the eighteenth century reveals how the United States remained connected to Britain, even when the lyrics—and the goals of the Revolution—repudiated that bond. Song versions also provide a musical map of the fragmenting political landscape of the early Republic. Ultimately, the diversity of the formats and the song versions reveal the ambivalent relationship between postcolonial United States and Britain, as well as the diversity of political culture within the United States.

2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ricardo A. Herrera

Military service was the vehicle by which American soldiers from the War of Independence through the Civil War demonstrated and defined their beliefs about the nature of American republicanism and how they, as citizens and soldiers, were participants in the republican experiment. This military ethos of republicanism, an ideology that was both derivative and representative of the larger body of American political beliefs and culture, illustrates American soldiers’ faith in an inseparable connection between bearing arms on behalf of the United States and holding citizenship in it. Patterns of thought and behavior within the ethos were not exclusively military traits, but were characteristic of the larger patterns within American political culture.


Author(s):  
Jeff Forret

This article reviews scholarship on the history and historiography of slavery in the early republic and antebellum United States. During the colonial period, slavery was present in varying degrees throughout what would become the United States. In the wake of the American Revolution, however, slavery became the ‘peculiar institution’ of the South. In the North, where the slave population was small and less crucial to the functioning of the economy, states took the revolutionary ideals of liberty and equality to their logical conclusion, each passing either an immediate or gradual emancipation law by 1804. Further south, especially in the Chesapeake, slavery was weakened as revolutionary-era runaways and manumissions depleted the slave population. Yet, with the fading of the revolution's egalitarian rhetoric and the invention of the cotton gin that made it possible to extract safely and efficiently the delicate fibres from short-staple cotton, the institution of slavery would not only persevere but become entrenched and expand across the southern United States. The antebellum decades witnessed the movement of slaves south and west with the advance of the cotton frontier.


Author(s):  
James A. Morone

This chapter examines the role of culture in American politics. It begins by asking, is there a distinctive American political culture? and exploring three answers: Yes, the traditional American culture (known as the American creed) is still going strong; no, the American creed has faded; and, finally, traditional accounts of American political culture were myths conconted by the powerful. It then discusses four major, overlapping cultural traditions: individualism/liberalism, community, the ascriptive tradition, and morality. The article argues that the United States had, and still has, a vibrant political culture, courtesy of generations of immigrants who bring new perspectives and marginal groups striving for legitimacy. As a result, the American political culture is a perpetual work in progress, constantly contested and continuously evolving.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (36) ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Edward Cyril Lynch

 RESUMOTrata-se de uma introdução teórica ao pensamento político brasileiro, na forma didática de verbete, com a seguinte ementa: Política e cultura política brasileira - A cultura política europeia e seus grandes temas: autoridade, liberdade e igualdade. - A expansão colonial europeia e a conformação da cultura política periférica. - A cultura política iberoamericana e o tema do atraso. - A orientação modernizadora da cultura política brasileira. - A importação das instituições dos países cêntricos como indutor da modernização. - Os modelos cêntricos: Inglaterra, França e Estados Unidos. - A inefetividade institucional: a dicotomia país legal versus país real. - A percepção da defasagem entre instituições e realidade: três diagnósticos. - Primeiro diagnóstico: atraso do país legal em face do país real. - Segundo diagnóstico: inefetividade do país legal sobre o real. - Terceiro diagnóstico: adiantamento demasiado do país legal diante do real. - A frustração em torno da modernização institucional: o pedagogismo. - Reação à crise de legitimidade da política tradicional: as vanguardas modernizadoras. - As vanguardas burocráticas (1): o governante. - As vanguardas burocráticas (2): os militares. - As vanguardas burocráticas (3): a magistratura e o ministério público. - Ideologias políticas brasileiras. - Ideologias políticas (1): o nacional-estatismo. - Ideologias políticas (2). O liberalismo cosmopolita.ABSTRACTThis is a theoretical introduction to Brazilian political thought, in the didactic form of entry, with the following syllabus: Politics and Brazilian political culture. - European political culture and its major themes: authority, freedom and equality. - European colonial expansion and the configuration of peripheral political culture. - The Ibero-American political culture and the theme of backwardness. - The modernizing orientation of Brazilian political culture. – Importation of centric countries’s institutions as inductor of modernization. - The central models: England, France and the United States. - Institutional ineffectiveness: the legal country versus real country dichotomy. - The perception of the gap between institutions and reality: three diagnoses. - First diagnosis: delay of the legal country in relation to the real country. - Second diagnosis: ineffectiveness of the legal country over the real country. - Third diagnosis: excessive development of the legal country before the real country. - The frustration surrounding institutional modernization: pedagogism. - Reaction to the crisis of legitimacy of traditional politics: the modernizing vanguards. - The bureaucratic vanguards (1): the ruler. - The bureaucratic vanguards (2): the military. - The bureaucratic vanguards (3): the judiciary and public ministry. - Brazilian political ideologies. - Political ideologies (1): the national-statism. - Political ideologies (2). The cosmopolitan liberalism. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 110-127

This chapter talks about municipal and territorial authorities that declared martial law within the United States, in which two occurrences involved members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the 1840s and 1850s. It investigates Mormon cases that are set against the context of contemporaneous debates about martial law that illuminate antebellum power politics. It also analyzes the perception of Latter-day Saints and minority groups in general during the era of American political culture. The chapter discusses the duality of the rhetoric surrounding martial law, which elucidates a shifting American mindset that clung to the revolutionary-era ideology invested in a weak government. It describes the tensions among local, state, and federal governments that deal with martial law declarations and reveal the fragility of sovereignty in antebellum America.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANCIS D. COGLIANO

“What is an American?” asked the French émigré Hector St. John Crèvecoeur in 1782. In so doing, Crèvecoeur posed one of the fundamental questions of the revolutionary era. When the colonists overthrew imperial authority; declared independence; formed an independent confederation of states; and waged war for its existence; they created a new nation and a new nationality. To be sure, colonists and Britons alike had long used the term “American,” none the less, a complete sense of American national identity was largely inchoate before the American Revolution. Before the Revolution, most Americans identified more with their individual colonies than with an abstract geographic concept like “America.” While the Revolution did not completely supplant regional loyalties, it introduced a new, compelling loyalty: to the United States of America. The Revolution forced Americans to choose between loyalty to Britain or the United States. Ultimately, the majority opted for the United States. Those who did, helped define what it meant to be American by their words and actions. The purpose of this article is to examine the development of loyalty to the United States and the development of an American national identity among one group of Americans: sailors imprisoned in Britain during the Revolution.


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel LaChance ◽  
Paul Kaplan

Reality television in the United States has often been understood to reinforce the punitive and neoliberal turns American political culture took in the late twentieth century. But in this article, we examine how it can work to unsettle as well as naturalize punitive and neoliberal ideologies. We do so via a case study of To Catch a Predator, a reality-based television program documenting the detection, legal apprehension, and extralegal punishment of adults seeking sex with teenagers. Both the appeal of the show and its susceptibility to the backlash that ultimately shut down its production, we argue, lay in a tacit invitation to viewers to imagine themselves as predators as well as parents or prosecutors.


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