Rights, Reflection, and Reciprocity: Implications of the Same-Sex Marriage Debate for Tolerance and the Political Process

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 630-648 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul A. Djupe ◽  
Andrew R. Lewis ◽  
Ted G. Jelen
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Political Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
Culture War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Group Boundaries ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Evangelical Protestants

AbstractContentious battles over state-level Religious Freedom Restoration Acts suggest a fundamental refashioning of the “culture war” clashes in American politics. Conservatives — particularly religious conservatives — have come to champion a politics of rights, using “liberal weapons” (rights) to win battles or at least stave off loses. This raises important questions about the long-run effects of making rights claims. Does rights claiming lead to balkanization and reinforce group boundaries or is rights claiming an education in the democratic process that promotes tolerance? Drawing on evidence from an experimental design, we find that exposure to rights claims made by clergy regarding exemptions from participation in same-sex ceremonies acts as a prime to boost tolerance of selected least-liked groups, an effect particularly potent for evangelical Protestants.

The Implications of Religious Liberty

2017 ◽  
pp. 143-162
Keyword(s):  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Religious Liberty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Marriage Equality ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Protection Measures ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Public Discussion ◽  
The Public ◽  
Faith Based

The political terrain surrounding the legalization of same-sex marriage and the need to accommodate individual's faith based objections have been part of the public discussion since the passage of initial marriage equality statutes. These exemptions played an important part in the bill's passage and have gone largely unquestioned from proponents of marriage equality. This chapter discusses the heightened lawmaking efforts by opponents insisting on broad protection measures for religious claims based on opposition directed towards homosexuality. This Chapter discusses the resulting tension between religious freedom and marriage equality.

The Institutions of Deliberative Democracy

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-202 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Current Interest ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
The People ◽  
The Will ◽  
Over Time

A theory of democratic institutions should provide us with a coherent combination of definition and justification. It should explain how it defines democratic institutions and also how they will or should function; but it also should explain why democracy, so understood, is desirable. We are all familiar with stories about the fiscal excesses to which democracies are prone, stories about the ignorance of voters, and stories about the venality of legislators. Some of us may also be suspicious of concepts such as “consent” or “the will of the people” associated with traditional arguments for democracy. Against this background, the current interest in deliberative democracy seems promising. This conception of democracy does not rely, for example, on the idea of rational and knowledgeable voters satisfying preferences they have independent of the political process. Nor does it rely on any notion of an independent popular will. Instead, it offers a picture of the democratic process as one in which men and women engage in constructive discussion, seeking a principled resolution of their differences and developing, over time, a conception of the terms on which they will live with one another.

Banking and Bank Legislation in California, 1890–1915

1973 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 482-507 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mansel G. Blackford
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Major Significance

While events of major significance for banking occurred on the national scene in the populist and progressive years, noteworthy changes also materialized on the state level. Like their brethren elsewhere in the country, California bankers struggled through their organizations with such problems as how to achieve “sound banking,” how to influence the political process in their state, and how to give banking more of the trappings of professionalism.

Moise faces a struggle to unite Haiti behind him

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
International Aid ◽  
Economic Damage ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
Run Up

Significance According to these results, Jovenel Moise of the Haitian Party of Bald Heads (PHTK) won a first-round victory with 55.67% of the vote, defeating Jude Celestin of Alternative League for Haitian Progress and Empowerment (Lapeh), who gained just 19.52%. The elections were a rerun of those originally held on October 25, 2015, in which Moise won 32.8% of the vote to Celestin’s 25.2%. Impacts Protests are likely in the run-up to the result’s confirmation, as voters express their dissatisfaction with the political process. The restoration of democratic process should unlock more international aid, some of which was suspended during the political impasse. Security issues will remain a key challenge, exacerbated by the economic damage caused by Hurricane Matthew.

Politique et science politique

1975 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-380 ◽  
Author(s):  
Léon Dion
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Social Group ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Minor Importance ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Political Status ◽  
The People ◽  
Industrial Age ◽  
Elected Representatives

The political use of political sciencePolitical scientists claim for science and for themselves, as scholars, a maximum of independence in their dealings with government and Parliament. At the same time, science finds itself so inextricably bound up with the actual political process that it has become an “establishment” as strong and formidable as religion was in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Liberal political scientists put themselves into a contradictory position when they demand for themselves, in the pursuit of their task as scholars, a political status which would protect them from the scrutiny of the elected representatives of the people, a condition which, they would refuse to grant to any other social group, and yet simultaneously in their teaching and writing set themselves up as the ardent defenders of representative and responsible democracy. What must one sacrifice, science or democratic responsibility? Is it necessary to aim at excluding science from the democratic process, at the risk of seeing our society regress towards a pre-industrial age, or should one regard representative and responsible democracy as relevant to questions of minor importance while significant issues which concern the present and future of society are to be dealt with by other political methods?

Censorship, Logocracy and Democracy

2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 199-226
Author(s):  
Mark Walker
Keyword(s):  
Hate Speech ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Process

This paper argues: (i) Canadian “Hate Speech Laws”, and similar laws in other jurisdictions, are instances of ‘unilateral censorship’, the suppression of a single political viewpoint. (ii) Unilateral censorship infringes upon the democratic commitment to free and fair elections. (iii) The legislated exclusion of some from the political process through the control of speech means that Canadian governance is best described as ‘logocratic’. (iv) It may be possible to mount a new “Charter Challenge” to Hate Speech laws invoking Section 3 of the Charter, based on the idea that unilateral censorship infringes upon Section 3 guarantees of free and fair elections, and eligibility to run for Canadian legislative bodies. (v) The envisioned challenge differs significantly from previous Charter Challenges because what is at issue are not the liberty rights of citizens in a democracy, but the democratic process itself.

ENDOGENOUS POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS, WAGE INEQUALITY, AND ECONOMIC GROWTH

2016 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 183-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christos Pargianas
Keyword(s):  
Labor Force ◽  
Wage Inequality ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
College Graduates ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Skill Premium ◽  
The Political ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Short Run

The paper suggests that the political changes brought about by the increase in the proportion of college graduates in the U.S. labor force in the 1970s may have contributed to the decline in the college premium during the 1970s and its increase during the 1980s and 1990s. The study argues that the proportion of skilled workers in the labor force affected their relative importance in the political process. Thus, the increase in the proportion of skilled workers during the 1970s reduced the skill premium in the short run, but induced a change in policies that favored skilled workers and increased the skill premium in the long run.

scholarly journals Religious factor of political responsibility

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (28-29) ◽  
pp. 233-241
Author(s):  
Yuliia Melnyk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Significant Role ◽  
Political Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
Religious Organizations ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Responsibility ◽  
Public Authorities ◽  
Religious Factor ◽  
The Government

The article examines the religious factor of political responsibility features at the present stage. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of the religious factor of political responsibility, to study the place of religious political responsibility in the system of types of political responsibility in modern conditions of religion politicization. An analysis of the political process and its subject structure undoubtedly provides an opportunity to assert that political responsibility plays a significant role in the mechanisms of its harmonization. Being on the path of creating the rule of law, modern Ukrainian society is influenced by various factors, among which a significant role belongs to religion. The relationship between religion, morality, ethics and politics leads to conclusions about the formation and existence of a specific type of political responsibility – religious political responsibility, the sanctions of which are more severe to the norms of morality and ethics. The existence in the political process of feedback between civil society institutions, public authorities and religious organizations, the participation of priests in elections and the creation of political parties by religious organizations and their leaders, indicates the spread of religious and political responsibility, makes them its subjects . A study of the composition of political responsibility provided an opportunity to conclude that religious political responsibility is inherent in the highest public authorities only in the case of mono-confessionalism at the state level. Religious organizations have become subjects of political responsibility due to the steady trend of politicization of religious relations and religion in general. In Ukraine, cases of religious political responsibility include abuse of trust in «religious» voters, use of parishioners as an administrative resource, manipulation of confessional attributes to confirm their actions and election programs, and so on. The consequences of religious and political responsibility can be public condemnation by society and religious organizations, expulsion from a particular religion, growing distrust of the government, future distrust of voters, non-re-election, and so on.

Right-Wing Populism, the Corporate Attack on Working Americans, and the Labor Movement’s Response

2020 ◽  
pp. 34-49
Author(s):  
Gordon Lafer
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
Large Majority ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Agenda ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Democratic Deliberation ◽  
Self Interest ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right

This chapter argues that the problem is a corporate assault, driven not by ideology but rather by business's self-interest. Here, business as a whole participates. This chapter shows that the most dangerous antidemocratic actions and policies are supported by a large majority of corporate actors. When so-called ideologues like the Koch brothers encounter a conflict between their ideology and their self-interest, self-interest wins. The chapter argues that this corporate assault has transformed the political process at the state level and restricted the scope of democratic deliberation. It underscores how the corporate agenda is at odds with what a majority of voters want. Even in states that voted for Trump, evidence shows that the right has been unable to convince voters to support its policy agenda. Indeed, this working-class resistance and support for progressive issues provides hope that organized opposition based on issues can defeat the corporate agenda.

Hollywood Politics

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Cramer Brownell
Keyword(s):  
Local Politics ◽  
Political Process ◽  
State Level ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
State And Local Politics ◽  
State And Local ◽  
Democratic Spaces ◽  
Political Realm

Hollywood has always been political. Since its early days, it has intersected with national, state, and local politics. As a new entertainment industry attempting to gain a footing in a society of which it sat firmly on the outskirts, the Jewish industry leaders worked hard to advance the merits of their industry to a Christian political establishment. At the local and state level, film producers faced threats of censorship and potential regulation of more democratic spaces they provided for immigrants and working class patrons in theaters. As Hollywood gained economic and cultural influence, the political establishment took note, attempting to shape silver screen productions and deploy Hollywood’s publicity innovations for its own purposes. Over the course of the 20th century, industry leaders forged political connections with politicians from both parties to promote their economic interests, and politically motivated actors, directors, writers, and producers across the ideological spectrum used their entertainment skills to advance ideas and messages on and off the silver screen. At times this collaboration generated enthusiasm for its ability to bring new citizens into the electoral process. At other times, however, it created intense criticism and fears abounded that entertainment would undermine the democratic process with a focus on style over substance. As Hollywood personalities entered the political realm—for personal, professional, and political gain—the industry slowly reshaped American political life, bringing entertainment, glamor, and emotion to the political process and transforming how Americans communicate with their elected officials and, indeed, how they view their political leaders.

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