Sovereign Uncertainty and the Dangers to Liberalism at the Baltic Frontier

Slavic Review ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (2) ◽  
pp. 336-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neringa Klumbytė

A war frontier in Lithuania was engendered by the annexation of Crimea by the Russian Federation in March of 2014 and the beginning of the undeclared war in eastern Ukraine. This essay explores how the new war frontier emerged in Lithuania, becoming an integral part of the public sphere and civic life. I argue that the war frontier is a social institution of sovereign uncertainty, which engenders divisive politics of historical justice, protection of the majority’s rights, and dangers to liberalism. The geopolitical insecurity and sovereign uncertainty that define this Baltic frontier are essential to understand how Lithuania can be a strong ally of NATO and the EU, a proponent of democratic politics and liberalism, a claimant to regional security expertise to lead western countries, and at the same time undermine liberal ideals of tolerance, multiculturalism, and pluralism.

2012 ◽  
Vol 2012 ◽  
pp. 1-9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Kruse ◽  
Eric Schmitt

We elucidate the significance of active ageing from an individual as well as from a societal perspective. Taking an individual perspective, maintaining activity in later years is linked to successful ageing because of empirical relationships to positive self-perception, satisfaction with life, and development of competences, whereas from a societal perspective, active ageing implies usage of older people’s life competences as a human capital of society—a societal imperative, particularly in times of demographic change but also more basically substantiated in an ethics of responsibility, intergenerational solidarity, and generation equity. We focus on the psychological construct of generativity which is interpreted as an aspect of the philosophical-anthropological category of joint responsibility. Our own research in Mexico and the Baltic States supports the notion that maintaining access to the public sphere and active engagement for others is a more basic individual concern than a life-stages specific developmental task. We report background and results of a Dialogue Forum Project Funding, a research cooperation between our institute and the Foundation Remembrance, Responsibility, and Future aimed to improve generativity in Belarus, Russia, and Ukraine by implementing and supporting local initiatives offering opportunities for intergenerational dialogue.


Author(s):  
Andrew Demshuk

This book illuminates how civic life functioned in Leipzig, East Germany's second-largest city, on the eve of the 1989 revolution by exploring acts of “urban ingenuity” amid catastrophic urban decay. The book profiles the creative activism of local communist officials who, with the help of scores of volunteers, constructed a palatial bowling alley without Berlin's knowledge or approval. In a city mired in disrepair, civic pride overcame resentment against a regime loathed for corruption, Stasi spies, and the Berlin Wall. Reconstructing such episodes through interviews and obscure archival materials, the book shows how the public sphere functioned in Leipzig before the fall of communism. Hardly detached or inept, local officials worked around centralized failings to build a more humane city. And hardly disengaged, residents turned to black-market construction to patch up their surroundings. Because such “urban ingenuity” was premised on weakness in the centralized regime, the dystopian cityscape evolved from being merely a quotidian grievance to the backdrop for revolution. If, by their actions, officials were demonstrating that the regime was irrelevant, and if, in their own experiences, locals only attained basic repairs outside official channels, why should anyone have mourned the system when it was overthrown?


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladislav Krastev ◽  
Blagovesta Koyundzhiyska-Davidkova ◽  
Nadezhda Petkova

Abstract In 2000, the global policy against the phenomenon of “corruption“ was launched by the United Nations, and in 2003 the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) was adopted, which Bulgaria ratified three years later. Two months after the adoption of this international convention, Bulgaria became part of the European Union. The accession was accompanied by the creation of “specific accompanying measures” aimed at correcting identified deficiencies in various areas, including measures against corruption. As a result of the annual reports of the European Commission on Bulgaria’s progress on the Co-operation and Verification Mechanism, anti-corruption law-making has begun to develop and improve. Serious progress in this direction is the creation of legislation in the area of “conflict of interest”, which is not exactly corruption but creates prerequisites for its development, especially in the public sphere. The paper presents the result of the analysis of the created anti-corruption legislation after the accession of the Republic of Bulgaria to the EU. Particular attention is paid to the law adopted in 2018 regulating anti-corruption measures, as well as the terms and procedure for the seizure of illegally acquired property for the benefit of the state.


Author(s):  
Irina Damm ◽  
Aleksey Tarbagaev ◽  
Evgenii Akunchenko

A prohibition for persons holding government (municipal) positions, for government (municipal) employees, and some other employees of the public sphere who are public officials to receive remuneration (gifts) is aimed at preventing bribery (Art. 290, 291, 291.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation), and could be viewed as a measure of anti-corruption criminological security. However, the existing collisions of civil, administrative and criminal law norms that regulate this prohibition lead to an ongoing discussion in research publications and complexities in practice. The goal of this research is to study the conditions and identify the problems of the legal regulation of receiving remuneration (gifts) in connection with the performance of official duties that prevent the implementation of anti-corruption criminological security. The authors use the legal theory of security measures to analyze the provisions of Clause 3, Part 1, Art. 575 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation and Clause 6, Part 1, Art. 17 of the Federal Law «About the Public Civil Service in the Russian Federation», examine the doctrinal approaches to defining the priority of enforcing the above-mentioned norms, study the significant features of the category «ordinary gift» and conduct its evaluation from the standpoint of differentiating between gifts and bribes, also in connection with the criteria of the insignificance of the corruption deed. The empirical basis of the study is the decisions of courts of general jurisdiction. The authors also used their experience of working in Commissions on the observance of professional behavior and the resolution of conflicts of interests at different levels. The conducted research allowed the authors to come to the following fundamental conclusions: 1) the special security rule under Clause 6, Part 1, Art. 17 of the Federal Law «About the Public Civil Service in the Russian Federation», which sets a full prohibition for government employees to receive remuneration (gifts) in connection with the performance of official duties, contradicts Clause 3, Part 1, Art. 575 of the Civil Code of the Russian Federation (the existing legal-linguistic vagueness of categories in Art. 575 of the CC of the RF leads to problems in law enforcement and makes a negative impact on the anti-corruption mentality of people); 2) as the concepts «gift» and «bribe» do not logically intersect, the development of additional normative legal criteria for their delineation seems to be unpromising and will lead to a new wave of scholastic and practical disagreements; 3) the introduction of a uniform and blanket ban on receiving remuneration (gifts) in the public sphere by eliminating Clause 3, Part 1, Art. 575 of the CC of the RF seems to be an effective measure of preventing bribery, and its application is justified until Russian society develops sustainable anti-corruption mentality.


2018 ◽  
pp. 103-135
Author(s):  
Benjamin R. Hertzberg

Many fear including religion in democratic politics because they think religious-political participation is likely to undermine public policies they value, from sexual freedoms to science education. This chapter uses a form of instrumental justification of democracy—John Dewey’s informational approach—in order to develop criteria that can determine when religious inclusion is likely to undermine crucial democratic purposes and when it will enhance them. These criteria include religion’s likely effect on the cognitive and identity diversity of the public sphere, and the public sphere’s openness and fallibility. They require analysis of the role that religious institutions play in the public sphere, demanding that citizens consider when and under what conditions religious activism publicizes relevant political information, and when it acts to prevent democratic institutions from gathering the information required to make good policy.


Via Latgalica ◽  
2013 ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Sanita Lazdiņa ◽  
Solvita Pošeiko ◽  
Heiko F. Marten

This paper gives an overview of activities which have been carried out in the fi eld of Linguistic Landscapes (LL) at Rēzekne University College (Rēzeknes Augstskola, RA) since 2008. Between 2009 and 2012, LL research was carried out within the framework of one of the work groups of the TILRA project funded by the European Social Funds (ESF). TILRA has had the overarching aim to support research in the humanities which may be helpful for understanding local identity and contribute to the regional development of Latgale. In this light, LL research has proven to be of high value for triggering effects in education at all levels, academic research and for enhancing discussions within politics and regional development. The paper fi rst provides a summary of the basic principles of the LL approach as they have been developed in the international linguistic community throughout the past decade. It addresses how the method has gained more and more popularity world-wide and moved from mostly quantitative and descriptive reports of the languages on signs in the public sphere to by far more interdisciplinary studies. Today, scholars in the fi eld of LL do research on signs of all kinds with regard to aspects such as functions of languages, semiotics, or the negotiation of and confl icts on ownership of and power in a territory. After this general introduction, the paper reports of how the LL method has been taken to the Baltic States, at fi rst in education and research at RA. The first of these activities were limited to Latvia (Rēzekne, Ventspils), but soon research was also taken to Lithuania (Alytus, Druskininkai) and Estonia (Pärnu, Narva). The paper then provides examples of the results of the research. On the one hand, a data base with almost 5,000 signs from the 6 towns in the Baltic States where research was carried out has been created. This data base allows for a detailed contrastive analysis of signs in the public sphere with regard to aspects such as the number and hierarchies of languages on the signs and their locations and functions. In cases of, for instance, signs at shops, also the type of shop is included. The research found 23 different languages, of which the titular languages of the Baltic States (Estonian, Latvian, Lithuanian) dominated, followed by English and Russian. English appears mostly as a language of high prestige, often with predominantly symbolic value. Other languages were rare, and also the regional language of Latgalian was identified on only a small proportion of the signs in Rēzekne. In total, about one third of the signs in the data base is multilingual, the other two thirds displaying only one language (most often, but not always, the respective titular language). On the other hand, the data base has been supplemented by qualitative data obtained through 46 interviews (conducted in Rēzekne, Narva and Druskininkai) with people working in the field of tourism, but also with passers-by in the streets. The interviews focus on e.g. roles of languages in tourism, reflections of regional identities in the LL or connections between the LL and language policies. With regard to tourism, English was found to be of highest importance as a lingua franca, but also Russian plays an important role. The research also asked explicitly whether small private signs may reflect linguistic or ethnic conflicts, but no such examples were found, and interviews confirmed that on a small, local level, the LL is not a place where such conflicts take place. The paper then reports of impacts which the LL activities have had with regard to the popularization of linguistic topics in society at large. By now, several schools in Latvia have used the LL approach in their activities and adapted it to their individual purposes. Other debates to which the LL research has contributed and where LL research and the publications created during the project have proven to have an impact on broader societal developments, are e.g. the relation between language use in private and in public domains, the functions of different languages in the internet, reflections of paralinguistic notions and the economic potential of languages, the latter in particular with regard to the Latgalian language. Finally, the paper highlights directions of future research. This includes the analysis of language contact in micro situations such as on specific notice boards or the use of LL data in discourse analytical studies. More broadly speaking, it is envisaged also to analyse existing LL patterns in the Baltic States in contrast to LL studies in other parts of the world, e.g. the role of Latgalian in the LL vis-à-vis other regional or minority languages in Europe. The paper also provides an overview of important publications which have been prepared or triggered as a result of the LL research, including several master theses and an on-going PhD project. In total, the paper thereby shows how the TILRA project has contributed to establishing research and awareness of the LL approach in the Baltic States, and how it at the same time has given LL research in the Baltic States a recognized standing among international LL researchers. The paper is supplemented by a list of LL publications, including many of those publications published by the project’s participants both in Latvian and international contexts, and by the questionnaire which served as a point of departure for the semi-structured interviews during the research.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (6) ◽  
pp. 78-108
Author(s):  
M. M. Panyuzheva

The article discusses the security relations among the United States, the EU and Russia in the context of Donald Trump's populism, the change of Western political elites and the erosion of arms treaty regimes. The purpose of the article is to analyze the current state and identify the probable scenarios of relations in the triangle of the USA – the EU – Russia. The article explores the features of the Euro-Atlantic security system from 1990’s till the mid-2000’s; the concept of Euro-Atlantic security in 2008-2009; the US, the EU and Russia relations under Barak Obama and Donald Trump. As a result of a comprehensive analysis, the author comes to the following conclusions: 1) the concept of Euro-Atlantic security is still relevant. Since the NATO based security arrangements are not stabile, security interaction among the USA, the EU and Russia is growing in importance. 2) European leaders seem to be moving towards building a new security architecture and a more balanced dialogue with Russia. The EU remains the main economic partner of the Russian Federation. 3) Trump's “transactional” approach has prompted Europeans to strengthen its defense identity and seek a compromise with Russia. 4) In a multipolar world, the Euro-Atlantic regional security is no longer closed to transatlantic ties. It is important to rethink the concept towards cooperation with non-regional countries. 5) The complex game of engagement and deterrence is likely to continue in relations between Russia and the West. The more uncertain the transatlantic relations become, the more the EU and the US need Russia.The author declares absence of conflict of interests.


2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (5) ◽  
pp. 673-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayte Peters

Democratically legitimized European integration calls for developments in culture and society—which arise naturally in the scope of on-going political, economic and institutional European Union (EU) integration—to be publically debated so they may be politically processed. The space where this happens is the public sphere, or, in the context of the EU, the European public sphere. The latter complements national public spheres. Successful integration among EU Member States is made possible by adhering to a common set of values at the same time as respecting the national identities of the Member States and fostering cultural diversity. By way of Union citizenship rights, individuals are able to make use of and actively promote the Europeanization of societies and cultures. Yet citizens are affected by Europeanization to differing degrees, with only a minority of citizens actively partaking in transnational exchange. In order to account for European integration democratically, the EU treaties hold provisions allowing for a close institutional interdependence of national and European democracy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ion Marandici

AbstractThis article explores nation-building processes in the Transnistrian imagined community. While some scholars describe Transnistria’s nation-building strategy as a civic, multicultural project, the analysis of recent demographic and educational data corroborated with the close examination of local media content and official discourses—all point to the emergence of a distinct political culture marked by the increasing use of the Russian language in the public sphere, and the politicization of the Moldovan identity. Discourses about ethnic and national identity in the region have evolved as the Transnistrian elites reimagine the political community as part of the Russkii Mir. These circumstances suggest that, in the long run, the breakaway region might function as the southeastern frontline of Russian irredentism with the elites of the Pridnestrovska͡ia Moldavska͡ia Respublika continuing to call on the Russian Federation to annex the parastate instead of seeking a peaceful reintegration into Moldova.


Author(s):  
Stephen J. Shoemaker

As the Christianization of civic life progressed rapidly throughout the Roman Empire, one of the most effective means by which Christianity came to inhabit the Empire’s cities was through the development of public liturgy.  Ritual practices that had once been held in private, often in the homes of individual Christians, now emerged into the public sphere, even in the streets of the city itself, with the establishment of stational and processional liturgies.  Memories of the apostles and saints were also inscribed onto the urban landscape, as shrines and pilgrimage presented another means of Christianizing this space.  Perhaps nowhere are all of these elements more on display than in Jerusalem during the lifetimes of Melania the Elder and Melania the Younger. This chapter explores the unprecedented knowledge of the songs that were sung in late ancient Christian worship, made known through the recently published Jerusalem Georgian Chantbook (iadgari/tropologion).


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