The Longitudinal Effects of Chronic Mediated Exposure to Political Violence on Ideological Beliefs about Political Conflicts among Youth

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shira Dvir Gvirsman ◽  
L. Rowell Huesmann ◽  
Eric F. Dubow ◽  
Simha F. Landau ◽  
Paul Boxer ◽  
...  
2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shira Dvir Gvirsman ◽  
L. Rowell Huesmann ◽  
Eric F. Dubow ◽  
Simha F. Landau ◽  
Paul Boxer ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Tom Onditi Luoch

Africa has been plagued by many violent conflicts in history and in contemporary times. Causes of these conflicts range from disagreements over allocation of national resources to ethnic rivalries over grazing fields, to territorial expansionism in the past, to economic development, elections and others, more recently. Hate speech or inflammatory language, or dangerous language both on line and off line, and elections have developed as major catalysts in recent violent conflicts. This chapter explores language (hate speech, inflammatory or dangerous language) as the verbal fuel that has ignited violent political conflicts in Kenya over the last two decades. It concludes that even though language fuels conflict, efforts to end conflict must go beyond language and elections (surface manifestations of deep-seated grievances) to economic marginalization which is at the core of differences that spasmodically erupt in violence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 54 (6) ◽  
pp. 748-761 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elin Bjarnegård ◽  
Karen Brounéus ◽  
Erik Melander

Who participates in political violence? In this study, we investigate the issue at the micro-level, comparing individuals who have used violence in political uprisings with those who have not. We develop our argument from the observation that men are strongly overrepresented in political violence, although most men do not participate. Literature on masculinities emphasizes the role of honor and its links to different forms of violence, such as domestic abuse, criminal violence, and violent attitudes. Building on this literature, we discern two separate but related aspects of honor: honor as male societal privilege and control over female sexuality, that is, patriarchal values, and honor as ideals of masculine toughness, that is, the perceived necessity for men to be fierce and respond to affronts with violence or threats of violence in order to preserve status. We argue that patriarchal values combined with ideals of masculine toughness together constitute honor ideology, which contributes in turn to the explanation of who participates in political violence. We present new and unique individual-level survey data on these issues, collected in Thailand. We find that honor ideology strongly and robustly predicts a higher likelihood of participating in political violence among male political activists. A number of previous studies found a macro-level relationship between gender equality and peacefulness in a society. This study provides evidence for one micro-level mechanism linking gender equality and political violence at the macro level. Based on these results, we conclude that honor ideology endorsement is a driver of violence in political conflicts.


Author(s):  
Sami H. Miaari ◽  
Amit Loewenthal

In violent political conflicts, the ways in which victims both are affected by and adapt to the harsh circumstances to which they are subjected vary. Academic literature suggests differences in the ways that men, women, and children react to political violence. The research covering the socioeconomic effects of conflict is considerable, but there has not yet been a systematic review that reveals the big picture. This chapter provides such an overview by exploring the differences in vulnerabilities of different members of the household exposed to political violence, and the main mechanisms through which violent conflicts affect them. Existing literature is reviewed on the effects of violent political conflicts on families, men, women, and children in the fields of earnings, employment, education, and child labor. Strong evidence is found that exposure to political violence has a significant negative effect on human capital and labor market outcomes but that it affects men, women, and children differently.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donatella della Porta ◽  
Heinz-Gerhard Haupt

Research on political violence occurs in waves, generally corresponding to the successive swells of violence that in many ways define modern society. Critically, this violence is characterized as much by diversity as by uniformity. As each new spate in research on political violence has shown us, rarely can we generalize about either the aims or the repertoires of action of the purveyors of violence. Some similar mechanisms are in play, however, as violence develops from political conflicts between states and their opponents.This suggestion comes from social movement studies, whose influence is increasing in the analysis of political violence. These studies developed especially from a critique of ‘terrorism studies,’ which emerged within security studies as a branch of international relations and have traditionally been more oriented toward developing antiterrorist policies than toward a social scientific understanding of political violence.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 245-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raman N. Seylon

Abstract This paper is written in an effort to understand the nature and the causes behind the brutal acts of violence unleashed by the poligar military households of South India. It particularly focuses on the poligar rajah Kattabomma Nayakar, who has, since the early 1950s, assumed the role of an ancestor figure of Tamil nationalism. I have relied mainly on colonial archival materials and a few folkloric accounts as my sources and used the anthropological insights of F. G. Baily, Victor Turner, and Steward Gordon in their studies of the political conflicts. In this paper, I do not so much question the reliability and accuracy of the colonial materials. However, I examine their interpretations and the motivations that many historians seem to have overlooked. This is particularly so in the case of poligar led violence as its true causes are often misrepresented and misunderstood in colonial records. We could even say that there is a vested colonial interest in misunderstanding these acts of violence, which are often used as citations to justify the subsequent colonial policies directed not only against the poligars but also against the entire the civil population of the Tamil country. In this paper, I argue that the poligars such as Kattabomma Nayakar were rebels with a cause. They saw themselves indulging in most cases in activities that stood within the bounds of the poligars' traditional mode of conduct. Further, I will also demonstrate how the political violence is intimately linked with political mobility and state formation in pre modern South India. A wider applicability of the results of this study to other parts of South Asia is useful in illuminating the causes and the nature of the political conflicts in various cross cultural settings.


Author(s):  
Roger W. Stump

Religious meanings and concerns have had a prominent role in a wide variety of political conflicts in recent decades. After the Six-Day War in 1967, for example, religious Zionists interpreted Israel’s victory in explicitly religious terms and saw Israeli occupation of the ancient lands of Judea and Samaria in the West Bank and of the Temple Mount in Jerusalem as evidence that the divine redemption of the Jewish people was at hand. Muslims, in contrast, saw Israeli occupation of the Old City of Jerusalem as a threat to al-Haram al-Sharif, the sacred compound atop the Temple Mount and one of Islam’s most revered sites. Radical Islamists have cast many other conflicts in religious terms, including the war against the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan during the 1980s, the civil war in Bosnia in the early 1990s, and the conflict between Chechen separatists and Russia that started in the mid-1990s. Interpreting these conflicts as attacks on the global Muslim community, radicals from various Muslim countries took up arms in Afghanistan, Bosnia, and Chechnya in defense of Islam. Out of these contexts, al-Qaeda emerged in the late 1980s and 1990s as a transstate terrorist army that focuses on more dispersed, symbolic targets in its war against Western antagonists. On a regional scale, tensions between India and Pakistan have contained an overt religious dimension since independence, exacerbated by the rising influence of Hindu and Muslim fundamentalisms in the region. This religious dimension found symbolic expression in the late 1980s and 1990s through military nomenclature, with Pakistani missile systems that bore names linked to the early Muslim conquests of northern India (Ghauri, Ghaznavi), and India’s deployment of missile systems named after principal Vedic deities (Agni, Surya) and a Hindu hero in the wars against Muslim conquest (Prithvi). In Africa, political violence has arisen in various states out of postcolonial competition among traditional animists, Muslims, and Christians. In Sudan, for example, conflict between the Muslim majority in the north and animist and Christian minorities in the south has provoked a devastating civil war. These examples illustrate the persistent complexity of the intersection of religious meanings and war.


Author(s):  
James Garbarino ◽  
Amy Governale ◽  
Danielle Nesi

This chapter explores the impact of political violence on children and youth through an examination of theory and research, particularly social-ecological systems theory, dealing with prolonged exposure to armed political conflicts and experiences of single-incident attacks. The chapter discusses both the direct traumatic effects of being a victim of political violence and the indirect effects of living in communities and societies in which the experience of violence is transmitted through the media to the minds of children, adults, and policymakers. The chapter further discusses the role and limitations of psychological resiliency and the importance of fostering normalcy to help children overcome the effects of exposure to political violence. The chapter concludes with suggestions for programmatic initiatives at the community and national level that reinforce a return to normalcy and provide assistance to traumatized children and adolescents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Ivan N. Kosichenko ◽  

This article deals with an issue of the court-martial functioning in Mexican state of Yucatán in the middle of the 19th century. The political violence, a very characteristic of the epoch, in Yucatán scaled up with a start of the ethno-social conflict between the government and predominantly Indian population of southeastern part of the state – the Caste War (1847–1901). For the juridical practices the constant political conflicts, domination of the Army and military men in public life meant broad simplification of judicial procedures, often executed by officer corps. One special place for the middle of the 19th century was the fortress of Bacalar, which controlled the border with British dominions in Belize. It was one of the crucial points for importation of contraband into Yucatán peninsula, and if before 1847 it had been mostly civil goods, with the start of the Caste War, Belizean entrepreneurs actively participated in supply of rebels with armament and munitions. They were contrabandists of such kind who were captured on September 13 of 1849 in the border outpost in Chaac upon the Río Hondo.They left behind themselves the “Four Sisters” boat case – the document that shed light not only on the details of simplified court procedures in the 19th century Mexico but also on various details of wartime daily life in that remote fortress.


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