The Macedonian question: Refugees and the construction of the nation-state in the Balkans

1996 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynellyn Long
Keyword(s):  
Aschkenas ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 375-395
Author(s):  
Martina Bitunjac

Abstract The establishment of the Bar Giora Zionist student association at the University of Vienna in 1904 was an important factor in the development of Zionism in the territory of the former Yugoslavia. The Verein jüdischer Akademiker aus den südslavischen Ländern (Association of Jewish Alumni from the South Slavic Countries) and its committed members had great influence on the transfer of the idea of a Jewish nation-state to the South Slavic region by creating multicultural supra-regional networks, organising conferences and publishing nationally oriented journals. The young Zionists from the Balkans also faced strong criticism from assimilated Jews. This paper explores the origins of Bar Giora, its self-understanding and its impact, as well as the assimilationist challenges faced by the Zionists.


2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lynn M. Tesser

AbstractScholars of nation-building and secession tend to prioritize elite or broader nationalist activism when explaining the proliferation of nation-states. Yet, recent historical research reveals a major finding: the influence of great powers tended to eclipse nationalist mobilization for new states in Latin America, the Balkans, Anatolia, and Central and Eastern Europe. Drawing on recent trends in historical research largely unknown in other fields, this article examines context, timing, and event sequencing to provide a new approach to multi-case research on nation-state proliferation. Major power recognition of new states in the Balkans also emerges as transformational for the post-World War I replacement of dynastic empires with nation-states in Europe. These findings suggest a shift of focus to the interplay of nationalist activism and great power policy for explaining the spread of nation-states.


SEEU Review ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Ylber Sela ◽  
Bekim Maksuti

Abstract This paper gives a retrospective of the events in the Balkans in the last 20 years. Hence, it indicates the problems, the progress and the challenges in terms of respecting and promoting diversity. The Western Balkans has always been a very interesting region with many challenges during different historical periods. If we take into consideration all the differences and diversities in this region, then this shouldn’t strike us as surprising. During history the Balkan region has always been a crossroads of many events, conflicts, changes and destructive occurrences. In order to understand the connection between ethnic and the religious diversity, as well as the future of the Western Balkan countries in terms of Euro-Atlantic integration, we need to provide some information about the political, economic and social changes in these countries during the past, especially in the last two decades. To get a better understanding of all the processes and events we need to take a look at the 90s of the last century. This period was one of the most important turning points in international relations. By the end of the Cold War there were two blocks within the societies – The Western (capitalist) and the Eastern (communist), and an agreement for the Balkans to be a balance between these two blocks. This fact was important for the promotion of the concept of the nation-state, which refers generally to both of the blocks. However, changes such as the dissolution and breakdown of the USSR and Yugoslavia, as well as the official Eastern bloc fiasco, brought an increase in the individual identity of the citizens living in these countries. This was the beginning of a new era to be characterized by conflicts, wars, refugees, humanitarian crises, a large number of casualties and injured people, because of the idea that the emerging countries, especially from the Balkan region, should be nation-state countries, i.e. composed of a nation thereby ignoring the ethnic and religious differences or the unrecognized diversity of the citizens of different ethnic groups living in these countries. The establishment of the Euro-Atlantic integration concept as a key national and state priority of almost every country in this region led to the understanding of differences as an asset, and not as an obstacle for the faster integration to the EU and NATO. This fact undoubtedly contributed to the establishment of the criteria for membership, and in particular to the promotion of the rights and freedoms of minorities as most important for the integration process.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-38
Author(s):  
Jesenko Tešan ◽  
Joan Davison

Abstract This paper examines the source and consequences of permanent liminality in the political-legal administration of the Byzantine Empire. The paper argues ambiguous and incomplete identities of individuals, groups, and society associated with certain authoritarian political arrangements and consequent arrested liminal period(s) contributed to the decline of the Empire. Further, and significantly, the unresolved situation of disaggregated identity, or spirited away demos, persisted in the Ottoman Era and continues to infect contemporary socio-political affairs in regions in the Balkans and other countries of the former Soviet Union which now seek to balance the interests of a nation-state with the diversity of Europe. The paper does not consider the Orthodox Spirit, but rather analyzes the role of pseudo-intellectuals and sophists who derail the democratic and philosophical Hellenist traditions with authoritarian policies and tools. The research compares and links the institutional attempts of the Byzantine and Ottoman Empires to manage and manipulate differences and distinctions through mechanisms such as theatricalization and the millets. The argument concludes that these strategies created the basis for the perpetualization of the sick man of Europe to the extent they focused on juggling the distinctions and identities of the empires rather than pursuing the development of the democratic self. Thus, in liminality is revealed and contained undead and viral authoritarian spirits, sometimes manifested in populist or extremist ethnic leaders, whose technologies trick the demos and disrupt the democratic imagination.


2020 ◽  
pp. 40-67
Author(s):  
M. Hakan Yavuz

This chapter outlines six social factors that augmented a rise in Ottoman nostalgia as a countering identity and ideology against the Turkish Republic’s Westernizing reforms: the demographic makeup of Turkey as a republic of refugees who were ethnically cleansed from their ancestral homes in the Balkans and Caucasus; the Westernization project of Turkey’s founding fathers for creating a European nation-state by suppressing the legacy of the Ottoman Empire; the process of democratization (i.e., mobilization of masses to move into political domains and bringing a multiplicity of identities to redefine state identity and policies); the expansion of the public sphere with newspapers, journals, and digital media to accommodate discussions of various identities and formerly taboo subjects; the introduction of market forces aligned with Turgut Özal’s neoliberal economic policies and the rise of the new Anatolian bourgeoisie; and finally, the shift from factual history to imagined memory.


Significance The final preparations have been overshadowed by a flurry of Russian diplomatic activity, suggesting that Moscow is either more interested in the Balkans than the EU and United States or is at least better at playing Bosnian political games. Impacts Post-election political chaos would force re-engagement by EU and US officials. Blocked financial flows would precipitate a social and economic crisis in the Federation, probably spreading to the rest of BiH. Dodik will seek allies in the rising EU far right and the Trump administration’s doctrine of nation-state-based sovereignty.


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