scholarly journals The social, political and economic changes in the Western Balkans: Managing diversity

SEEU Review ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Ylber Sela ◽  
Bekim Maksuti
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract This paper gives a retrospective of the events in the Balkans in the last 20 years. Hence, it indicates the problems, the progress and the challenges in terms of respecting and promoting diversity. The Western Balkans has always been a very interesting region with many challenges during different historical periods. If we take into consideration all the differences and diversities in this region, then this shouldn’t strike us as surprising. During history the Balkan region has always been a crossroads of many events, conflicts, changes and destructive occurrences. In order to understand the connection between ethnic and the religious diversity, as well as the future of the Western Balkan countries in terms of Euro-Atlantic integration, we need to provide some information about the political, economic and social changes in these countries during the past, especially in the last two decades. To get a better understanding of all the processes and events we need to take a look at the 90s of the last century. This period was one of the most important turning points in international relations. By the end of the Cold War there were two blocks within the societies – The Western (capitalist) and the Eastern (communist), and an agreement for the Balkans to be a balance between these two blocks. This fact was important for the promotion of the concept of the nation-state, which refers generally to both of the blocks. However, changes such as the dissolution and breakdown of the USSR and Yugoslavia, as well as the official Eastern bloc fiasco, brought an increase in the individual identity of the citizens living in these countries. This was the beginning of a new era to be characterized by conflicts, wars, refugees, humanitarian crises, a large number of casualties and injured people, because of the idea that the emerging countries, especially from the Balkan region, should be nation-state countries, i.e. composed of a nation thereby ignoring the ethnic and religious differences or the unrecognized diversity of the citizens of different ethnic groups living in these countries. The establishment of the Euro-Atlantic integration concept as a key national and state priority of almost every country in this region led to the understanding of differences as an asset, and not as an obstacle for the faster integration to the EU and NATO. This fact undoubtedly contributed to the establishment of the criteria for membership, and in particular to the promotion of the rights and freedoms of minorities as most important for the integration process.

scholarly journals The Perspectives of Russia’s Soft Power in the Western Balkans Region

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Djokic
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Economic Ties

The article analyzes the perspectives of Russia’s soft power in the Balkans. The Russian Federation has longstanding historical, political, cultural and economic ties to the Balkan region. Therefore, being free of a one-sided ideological approach that hampered the usage of soft power by the USSR during the Cold War era, Russia stands at the crossroads as to how best to use it’s great potential for peaceful diplomacy and influence in the Western Balkans. The article will provide an analysis of the achievements of the Russian Federation in regards to extending it’s influence in the Western Balkans, but also the downsides of it’s foreign policy. The analysis will encompass several Western Balkan states and their ties to Russia in terms of soft power: Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article raises the question: whether Russia can withstand the struggle for influence over the Balkans with it’s greatest rivals in the region - the United States and the EU? The author concludes that it depends largely on the various approaches and methods used by Russian diplomacy and the level of funding of various projects that can be used to extend Russia’s cultural influence in the Balkan peninsula.

ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS

2021 ◽  
pp. 233-252
Author(s):  
Tatiana Bitkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
Regional Leadership ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Common

The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.

scholarly journals The transition paradigm versus integration in the context of political transformation of the Balkan countries

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veton Latifi
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Liberal Democracies ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Sustainable Peace ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Integration Project

Three decades since the end of the Cold War and the fall of communism, some of the Balkan nations are not following yet the lessons for building sustainable peace and functioning democracies according to their aspirations (at least in a declarative way) for association with the liberal democracies of the European Union (EU). Rather, the Balkans’ history is transforming into a story of importing the habits and principles from the communism period in a paradoxical way of establishing the illiberal democracies followed by controversies and defects in the process of state-building. More than a decade, the Balkans, from one side, is transformed into a zone of periphery with a focus of the European determination for the support of the institutional reform through the process of integration, but in parallel, it is being self-formatted into a zone of self-isolation of the Balkan nations. This article will discuss the transition paradigm of the Balkans through functional analysis of aspects related to the rhetoric of Balkan countries in the discourse of the criteria of the European integration project; the dimension of the Balkan ancient myth with the new additional attribute of self-isolation; the insisting of the Balkan political elites for catapulting to the European project; and as well as the dynamics of the transition, internal and European integration of the Albanians and other nations of the Balkan region in the general

scholarly journals CITIZEN KNOWLEDGE AND READINESS FOR DISASTERS IN THE BALKANS

2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 159-163
Author(s):  
Muhaedin Bela ◽  
John R. Fisher ◽  
Zijavere Keqmezi Rexhepi
Keyword(s):  
Emergency Preparedness ◽  
The United States ◽  
First Century ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Flood Plains ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Living Things ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Bounce Back

With the beginning of the twenty-first century, further emphasis is placed on the global challenges in terms of security in the environment in which we live. All countries around the world are exposed to dangers which, in varying degrees and proportions, pose a threat to the individual country's physical security, wealth and interests. Such events, including natural and man-made disasters, usually create the need for large human capacities. The costs of disasters in terms of money, human suffering and effort, and lost resources can be devastating. Such threats are a diverse combination of natural forces and human actions. They can be direct and indirect. It’s not by chance that nature responds harshly to man’s activities. This includes unwise industrial, commercial, household and agricultural activities. As human beings, we build on flood plains or earthquake fault lines, make changes to riverbeds, construct sewage systems, create roads and buildings without urban planning, and cut down forests without reforesting. Air pollution, water pollution and the environment generally jeopardize the lives of people and other living things. If our activities do not cause disasters, they make response to disasters worse when they happen. Although disasters cannot be prevented or controlled in most cases, it is obvious that citizens be prepared either individually or in groups, in families, or as healthcare workers and community organizations to mitigate and lessen the damage and, when the disaster happens, to create a successful response. Knowledge is key to understanding and effectively responding to disasters of any kind. Knowledge also improves resilience – the capacity to bounce back after a disaster. Before we blame nature for disasters, we must first answer questions about our knowledge and preparation as individuals, families, and communities to respond to catastrophes. This paper examines citizen knowledge and readiness in the Balkan region for disasters. It proposes citizen emergency preparedness training (following a model used in the United States) as a means of responding to the gap in knowledge and preparation.

Border disputes will keep Balkan region unstable

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Adverse Impact ◽  
Business Continuity ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Potential Conflict ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
International Border ◽  
The Eu

Subject Intensifying disputes over several borders in the Western Balkans. Significance Croatia and Slovenia are at odds over their maritime border in the Adriatic. Kosovo rejects Montenegro’s claim to a parcel of land which Kosovo currently controls, while Serbia is mounting a challenge to the very existence of its border with Kosovo. Bosnian Serbs are threatening to create a new international border with the rest of Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH). Impacts Border disputes will have an adverse impact on economic development and business continuity in the affected areas. Border disputes will frustrate the integration of the Balkans with the EU and NATO. Disputes over borders will provide a flashpoint for potential conflict, especially in Kosovo and BiH.

International Economic Relations After the Cold War

1994 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Bayne
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Economic System ◽  
Open Market ◽  
New Era ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Market Economic ◽  
The World ◽  
The Cold War

When The Berlin Wall Came Down, on 10 November 1989, and communist regimes crumbled first in Central Europe, then in the Balkans, finally in the Soviet Union, we all hoped that a new era of peace and prosperity would begin. We knew it would be hard and painful for working democracies and effective market economies to be established in the former Warsaw Pact countries. But we believed that this could be achieved: and that we in the West could provide not only material help, but also the valuable example of the successful economic system practised by the members of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). This system had finally triumphed over the rival, centrally-planned approach. Moreover, it was not just in Central and Eastern Europe that the open market economic system was prevailing, but all over the world. China was transforming its economy, with conspicuous success. The little dragons of East Asia were reaching economic standards close to those of OECD and their neighbours in the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) were following in their wake. In Latin America new, open economic and trade policies were being brought in, notably in Mexico. The world-wide prospects had never looked better.

scholarly journals Cooperation of the Western Balkans States: Opportunity to Overcome Security Challenges

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bejtush Gashi ◽  
Gurakuç Kuçi
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Integration Process ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Security Challenges ◽  
Geographical Position ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Difficult Transition ◽  
The Eu

The Western Balkans is dominated by its geographical position, which, after the end of the Cold War in the 1990s, was one of the regions that experienced the most difficult transition because this process was accompanied by bilateral and multilateral conflicts, with local and regional wars, with political and ethnic clashes. As a consequence, it was also politically fragmented on its map. The international community actively intervened in the Balkans with various civilian and military missions, respectively during the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and North Macedonia (former FYROM). These international interventions have yielded concrete results in the process of overall democratic reforms of the countries of the region, with particular emphasis on the security field, as well as the aspect of integration reforms in both NATO and the EU. Fragmentation of the Western Balkans came for many historical, political, economic, military, geopolitical and strategic reasons. This process also had consequences for the integration process of this region. But it is currently fully oriented towards European and Euro-Atlantic structures. No Balkan countries including Kosovo have any other orientations besides these (there are doubts about Serbia). Serbia has stated that it does not want NATO membership, while Russia has tried and is constantly trying to cause chaos in the Western Balkans. How this chaos is caused and how the cooperation of the countries of this region has affected and is influenced is the essence of our work that will draw conclusions about how to act in the future.

scholarly journals Repatriating FTFs from Syria: Learning from the Western Balkans

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Dedeken ◽  
Kevin Osborne
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
Political Will ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Security Officers ◽  
Western Balkan Region ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
Per Capita ◽  
International Experts

Four countries in the Western Balkan region (Kosovo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro) are in the top ten countries with the most foreign terrorist fighters (FTFs) per capita. The political will to repatriate FTFs remains strong, at least in the Western Balkans, despite delays in 2020 due to COVID-19. In other parts of the world, especially high-income countries, political will to repatriate is considerably lower. COVID-19 has further constrained nations in their efforts to repatriate law-abiding citizens, which is less controversial than FTF families. Based on discussions with government officials and security officers in the Western Balkans as well as international experts and donors, this policy note provides operational recommendations to move forward with repatriation, rehabilitation, and reintegration of returnees building on lessons from repatriations in Albania, Kosovo, and North Macedonia. It urges governments globally to double down on repatriation efforts and to call on experience from governments in the Balkans to bring back their FTFs now. The recommendations in this policy note are relevant to any country where political will to repatriate FTFs can be generated.

The integration role of Greece in the Balkans: politics and economics

2021 ◽  
pp. 360-373
Author(s):  
Anna K. Aleksandrova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
World War Two ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Second Stage ◽  
Third Stage ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
Three Stages ◽  
Of Greece ◽  
Primary Agent

Since the mid-twentieth century, Greece has been trying, with varying degrees of success in different periods, to act as a primary agent of unification for the Balkan region. Political and economic shifts in the Balkans and in Greece itself allow us to divide the Balkan integration process into three stages. During the first stage, from the end of World War Two to the collapse of the Eastern bloc, Greece was for the most part isolated from the rest of the Balkans. The shift towards democracy and a market economy in the early 1990s marked the second stage, and this determined the growing political and economic influence of Greece in the Balkans. Greece became the primary outpost of European integration among the Balkan countries. The situation changed dramatically in 2009, after the onset of the financial and economic crisis, and represents the beginning of the third stage. The debt issues Greece faced adversely impacted the other countries and caused euroskeptic ideas to spread throughout the Balkans. The chapter thoroughly examines the integrative role of Greece in the Balkan region in each of the aforementioned stages.

International aspects of the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-31
Author(s):  
Sławomir L. Szczesio
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Research Problem ◽  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
The West ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
International Aspects

This article analyses the international conditions during the disintegration of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. It is an outline of a broad research problem, a historical analysis from the perspective of the decades-long evolution of Yugoslavia’s international position. After its expulsion from the Eastern Bloc in 1948, the country balanced between East and West, becoming one of the founders and leaders of the Non-Aligned Movement. The author focuses on the aspect of Yugoslavia’s role in the politics of the West, especially the US and the EEC, during and at the end of the Cold War. It was the West that could, possibly, have played a role in preventing the disintegration of the country in the early 1990s, in contrast to the USSR, which had its own internal problems at that time. What factors influenced Western support for the SFRY during the Cold War? How did Yugoslavia’s position in Western politics change when the Cold War rivalry ended? The author points out the temporal connection between the disintegration of the SFRY and, among other things, the collapse of the Eastern Bloc and the Soviet Union, the democratisation process in Eastern Europe, German reunification, European integration, and the crisis in the Middle East. In the end, there was a lack of real and coherent action by Western countries to bring about a peaceful solution to the crisis in the Balkans. The consequence of this would be the disintegration of the SFRY and several years of war in the former Yugoslavia.

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