Youth in the Post-Soviet Space: Is the Central Asian Case Really So Different?

Author(s):  
Stefan B. Kirmse
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Stanislav ALEXANDROV ◽  

The purpose of the research. In accordance with the problem-chronological approach, the article systematized the materials of “The New York Times” newspaper about Nursultan Nazarbayev in the period during 1989-2001. Despite the membership of the Communist Party from 1962-1991, the condemnation of the collapse of the USSR, the promotion of the idea of new economic and political integration in the post-Soviet space, the President of Kazakhstan was portrayed on the pages of “The New York Times” as a progressive independent pro-American politician. Nevertheless, by the end of the second half of the 1990-s there were dramatic changes in the current image, the Kazakh leader began to associate with an autocrat and a corrupt official. This work is aimed at finding the reasons for the transformation of the image of the Kazakh politician. Results. The study concluded that the reason for the transformation of the image of the President of Kazakhstan was the deterioration of relations with official Washington. The favorable image of Nursultan Nazarbayev in “The New York Times” was an indicator not only of the benevolent attitude of newspaper journalists, but also of US loyalty. During the period of partnership with the White House, the image of politician Nursultan Nazarbayev remained pleasant for readers of the New York newspaper. In the late 1980s and the first half of the 1990s. Washington was favorable to Nursultan Nazarbayev, since the president’s policy satisfied the United States: defending independence, switching to a market economy, renouncing nuclear weapons, and access to Kazakh oil. During this period, the negative features of the Kazakh leader were not displayed or smoothed out on the pages of the New York newspaper, while the strengths were intentionally emphasized. After the current American goals in the Central Asian republic were achieved, interest in the figure of Nursultan Nazarbayev began to fade. Over time, scandals related to Nursultan Nazarbayev began to be fully covered by journalists of “The New York Times”, changing the image of the president to an authoritarian and corrupt politician.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 479-497
Author(s):  
Pál Dunay

Conflicts and their management in Central Asia have never been prioritised by the osce although five states of the region are among its participating states. This has been due to that unlike in some other parts of the post-Soviet space most of the conflicts did not threaten with military escalation, and the intensity of strategic rivalry is less noticeable in this distant part of the osce area than closer to the heart of Europe. The fact Russia is not a direct party to the conflicts in Central Asia also reduces the interests of many participating states. There was one high intensity conflict in the region, the Tajik civil war that came too early for the osce. Lower intensity conflicts, ranging from border skirmishes, disputes about access to water, violation of rights of national minority groups, rigged elections are monitored and their resolutions are facilitated by the organisation. Some of them, like the 2010 Kyrgyz-Uzbek conflict had such short shelf-life internationally that no consensus-based inter-governmental organisation could have effectively intervened into it. The osce has been successful in conflict management when the party or parties also wanted to break the stale-mate that the Organization could facilitate. Domestic change in some Central Asian states is essential for advancing the osces cooperative security approach.


Author(s):  
Krzysztof Kozłowski

The study concerns the effectiveness of EU Post-Soviet Central Asian policy. The analysis of the EU strategy leads to two questions: why and how EU wants to engage this politically challenging region in the Post-Soviet Space. Regardless of satisfaction of EU bureaucracy with at best mediocre effects of undertaken actions, independent analysts perspective leads to a conclusion that EU does not use its own potential in the most effective way and its activity is sometimes more damaging than productive in terms of managing own assets as well as building its international reputation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-106
Author(s):  
R. M. Vulfovich

The formation of local self-government in the post-Soviet space takes place in difficult economic and political conditions under the influence of various, often directed in the opposite way, factors. For Russia, the experience of forming a new institution for all post-Soviet states is of significant practical importance since it faces many difficulties in its course. Within the framework of the invariant of the transition from centralized management to decentralization, the variant of this process in the Central Asian countries is more relevant for our country since it is carried out under conditions largely similar to those in Russia. In this regard, the purpose of this article is to highlight the key historical, economic and political factors of local self-government formation in the Central Asian states in order to deepen the understanding of the ways and possibilities of creating a sufficiently autonomous local level of public power in systems that have long operated within the framework of strict centralization and seek to form a new organizational structure and use new management mechanisms and tools to improve the efficiency of the process and achieve the main systemic goal of the modern state – improving the quality of life in the country. The relevance of the study of these processes is beyond doubt due to the need to understand the role and place of self-government in the structure of public power in accordance with the amendments made in 2020 to the Constitution of the Russian Federation. The study of options for local-level opportunities in a comparative perspective when analyzing public authorities in Central Asian countries also opens the way to new solutions to Russian problems.


Author(s):  
A. A. Kazantsev ◽  
L. Yu. Gusev

The article talks about migration processes in the post-Soviet space in the context of Eurasian integration. It is noted that recently, due to the natural population decline in Russia, migration is one of the mechanisms for compensating for demographic problems. An important factor determining migration processes is Eurasian integration. The article indicates that the creation of the EAEU and its expansion provides legal access to the Russian labor market for an increasing number of post-Soviet countries. The authors consider the demographic situation in Russia and the need for labor migration. They indicate that the peculiarity of Russia is a rather low life expectancy compared to other urbanized industrial countries, especially for men. Talk about the general situation with migration in Russia in 2017. The key longterm trends of labor migration to Russia are indicated. One of them, according to the authors, is the tendency for the population in the post-Soviet space to grow, mainly in the countries of the Muslim cultural tradition, primarily in Central Asia, while in the countries of the Christian cultural tradition it is falling. The possible expansion of the EAEU is considered as a factor determining migration. In this regard, security threats associated with Central Asian labor migration are identified. Also scenarios for the development of migration to Russia from post-Soviet countries, including in the context of Eurasian integration processes are indicated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rano Turaeva

The paper sheds light on informal economies, focusing on transnational entrepreneurs between Central Asia and Russia. Both male and female entrepreneurs from Central Asia live mobile economic lives, traveling between Central Asia and Russia and forming a kind of class. With Islam playing a prominent role in the regulation of informal economies, Islamic belonging has become a stronger marker of identity than ethnicity among Central Asian migrants in Russia, and mosque communities have grown in influence. Mosques have become places to meet and socialize, where contacts are established and maintained.


2010 ◽  
pp. 94-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Vinokurov ◽  
A. Libman

The paper applies a new dataset of the System of Indicators of Eurasian Integration to evaluate the changes of level and direction of economic interaction of the post-Soviet states in the last decade. It analyzes the integration dynamics in the area of trade and migration as well as on three functional markets of agricultural goods, electricity and educational services. The paper concludes that the level of trade integration on the post-Soviet space continues declining, while there is a rapid increase of the labor market integration. Three largest countries of the Eurasian Economic Community - Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan - demonstrate positive integration dynamics, but small countries maintain the leading position in the area of post-Soviet integration.


Author(s):  
Alexandr S. Levchenkov ◽  

The article analyzes the influence of the concepts of the Intermarium and the Baltic-Black Sea Arc on the formation of Ukraine’s foreign policy in 1990 – early 2000. The use of these concepts in American, European and Ukrainian geopolitical thought, which historically included the idea of opposing Russian influence in the region, contributed to the increase in tension and was aimed at further disintegration of the Western flank of the post-Soviet space. The article proves that the design of the Euro-Atlantic vector of Ukraine’s foreign policy was already active under the first two Ukrainian presidents – Leonid Kravchuk (1991–1994) and Leonid Kuchma (1994–2005). One of the concrete attempts to implement the idea of forming a common political, economic, transport and logistics space of the Black Sea-Caspian region with a promising expansion of the cooperation zone to the whole of Eastern Europe and the Eastern Baltic during the presidency of Leonid Kuchma was the foundation and launch of a new regional organization, Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, better known as GUAM (composed by the initial letters of names of member states – Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Moldova; when Uzbekistan was also a member of Organization for Democracy and Economic Development, the name of the organization was GUUAM), which is an alternative to Eurasian projects with the participation of Russia.


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