scholarly journals Space, Politics, and the Political

10.1068/d364t ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-188 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mustafa Dikeç

In this paper I offer a reading of Jacques Rancière's conceptualization of politics, and consider its implications for the links between space, politics, and the political. I provide an overview of Rancière's conceptualizations of ‘the police’, politics, and the political, and try to recover the spatiality of these notions. Based on this overview, the argument pursued in the paper is that space does not become political just by virtue of being full of power or competing interests. It becomes political by becoming the place where a wrong can be addressed and equality can be demonstrated. This definition makes space not only an integral element of the defining moment of the political, but an integral element of the disruption of the normalized order of domination as well.

Making Waves ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 157-170
Author(s):  
Mairéad Hanrahan

Hélène Cixous’s 1975 ‘Le Rire de la méduse’, later expanded into ‘Sorties’, represented a defining moment in both feminism and literary criticism/theory. When for the first time the French text was republished in 2010, Cixous speculated that the text was – disappointingly – still timely after all those years, contrary to her hopes at the original time of writing. This chapter explores Cixous’s text in relation to time in a number of different respects. It examines the significance of its very particular reception over time, and the implications that the signal failure to read it may have for both feminism and literary criticism/theory. But the chapter also considers the significance of Cixous’s work on time. The very notion of an anniversary, which simultaneously marks both a movement forward and a return to the past, is at odds with the linear, teleological idea of progress that remains dominant in discourses of political struggle. Yet the term ‘revolution’ indicates the importance of a cyclical movement of turning around or returning in effecting political change. This chapter therefore also studies the political dimension of Cixous’s approach to temporality.


2005 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
James J. Hentz

Post-apartheid South Africa has recast its regional relations. Nonetheless, much of the literature depicts its policy as a projection of captured interests, for instance big business as embedded in Pretoria's apparent neo-liberal turn. Instead, post-apartheid South Africa's regional relations represent a political compromise, albeit not necessarily an explicit one, that reflects the different visions of South Africa's regional role and their respective political bases. Because their policies reflect the push and pull of competing constituencies, democratic states are rarely one dimensional. Post-apartheid South Africa is no exception, as it attempts to square the political circle of competing political constituencies, such as big business and labour. South Africa's regional relations and, in particular, its policy of regional economic cooperation/integration, are best understood as a reflection of the competing interests within its domestic political economy.


Author(s):  
Roman Oleksenko ◽  
Bogdan Malchev ◽  
Olga Venger ◽  
Tetiana Sergiіenko ◽  
Оlena Gulac

The article reveals the peculiarities of the modern Ukrainian voter as a special phenomenon in political science. The main objective of the research is to form a portrait of the modern voter based on data from some sociological surveys, as well as to address the emergence and formation of the image of a desirable candidate for the voter. Historical and statistical analysis methods as well as the comparison method were used. In the results they emphasize that in the personality of the voter we will understand a subject who makes a conscious choice of that political figure that he (the voter) considers capable of solving urgent problems of life, both State and of his person. In this regard, the focus is on revealing the moods in modern Ukrainian society, to describe the image of "an ideal candidate" in the eyes of a modern voter. Special attention was paid to personality as an integral element of the socio-political space and the worldview of the political and electoral sphere. It is concluded that the historical context is very important in the formation of the Ukrainian political environment, which makes us glimpse analytically the peculiarities of the meaning of the act of suffrage.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38
Author(s):  
Giovanni Maggi ◽  
Ralph Ossa

Modern trade agreements no longer emphasize basic trade liberalization but instead focus on international policy coordination in a much broader sense. In this review we introduce the emerging literature on the political economy of such deep integration agreements. We organize our discussion around three main points. First, the political conflict surrounding trade agreements is moving beyond the classic antagonism of exporter interests who gain from trade and import-competing interests who lose from trade. Second, there is a more intense popular backlash against deep integration agreements than there was against shallow integration agreements. Finally, the welfare economics of trade agreements has become more complex, in the sense that the goal of achieving freer trade is no longer sufficient as a guide to evaluating the efficiency of international agreements.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. e004093
Author(s):  
Amiti Varma ◽  
Latha Chilgod ◽  
Upendra Bhojani

IntroductionIndia continues to enhance tobacco control regulations protecting the public health while housing a widespread tobacco industry. This implies complexities in regulating tobacco. As part of a broader inquiry on the political economy of tobacco, we aimed to understand the concerns of Indian parliamentarians around tobacco.MethodsWe sourced transcripts of tobacco-related questions asked by parliamentarians between the years 1999 and 2019 from the electronic archives of both the houses of Indian parliament. We analysed the frequency of questions during different regimens, segregated by the states and the political parties that parliamentarians belonged to, as well as by the government ministries to which these questions were posed. We also conducted thematic content analysis of these questions, identifying specific themes defining parliamentarians’ concerns.Results729 unique parliamentarians asked 1315 questions about tobacco, conveying varied concerns related to health, commerce, labour and agriculture sectors. Over time, the focus of the questions shifted from majorly trade to majorly health-related concerns. We show how the tobacco regulations in India are multi-institutional and are a result of negotiations of several legitimate and competing, interests. We found important state-level differences in the number and nature of these questions.ConclusionParliamentary questions constitute a useful resource in studying tobacco politics. Tobacco regulations are a product of complex negotiation of varied and competing concerns. We identify core arguments in favour and against tobacco control that would help tobacco control advocates and agencies to better prepare and engage with diverse political voices around tobacco.


Author(s):  
Joel Gordon

This chapter examines the background to the Free Officers' coup d'etat and the political bickering that followed by focusing on the parliamentary regime in its last years, between January 1950 and July 23, 1952. During this period, reform-minded members of the political establishment clashed with those who continued to play politics as usual. Their failures resulted in the end of liberalism in Egypt. The chapter first provides an overview of how competing interests, both foreign and national, doomed Egypt's parliamentary order from the outset before discussing the election of a Wafdist government in 1950 and its eventual failure. It then analyzes the events that served as a prelude to the Free Officers' rising around which disaffected liberals, progressives, communists, and the Muslim Brotherhood constructed a new savior myth: that a military junta would, after imposing constitutional reform, restore parliamentary life and then return to the barracks.


1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Medhurst

FOR THIRTY-TWO YEARS GENERAL FRANCO HAS REMAINED HEAD OF the Spanish State and has retained control over the political system which he fashioned during the Civil War. But once Franco is removed from the stage what will happen to the system?The system depends upon the support of a number of groups in Spanish society which coalesced during the Civil War in support of the nationalist cause. These groups were united by a desire for victory over the Republic, but had long term conflicts of interest. Franco's own authority has been due to his skill in arbitrating between these competing elements and in welding them into a durable form of coalition government. Each group has been granted a stake in the regime; for example, conventions have grown up regulating the distribution of government offices between them. But Franco has never permitted any one of them to obtain a monopolistic position. By remaining relatively independent of all factions he has always been free to manoeuvre between the competing interests and to retain the initiative. At the same time, his system has benefited from the reluctance of all groups in the society to press their differences to the point where violence might be renewed.


Economies ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randall Holcombe

Constitutional political economy has focused heavily on designing constitutional rules sufficient to constrain governmental power. More attention has been devoted to designing rules that are effective constraints than on the institutions that would be required to enforce them. One problem is that rules are interpreted and enforced by the political elite, who tend to interpret and enforce them in ways that favor their interests over those of the masses. Democratic oversight is ineffective because voters realize they have no influence over public policy, and are therefore rationally ignorant. A system of checks and balances within government is necessary for enforcing constitutional constraints because it divides power among elites with competing interests and enables one group of elites to check the power of others. Checks and balances within governmental institutions are necessary to constrain the government from abusing its power.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joanne Scott ◽  
Ross Laurie

Queensland's Jubilee Carnival of 1909 was, according to Australia's Governor-General, Lord Dudley, ‘the principal and most prominent feature in the series of festivities by which the people of Queensland are seeking to celebrate the jubilee of their existence’. Indeed, with the exception of the Carnival, the ‘series of festivities’ was rather lack-lustre, offering relatively little of substance to excite the attention of contemporaries or of later commentators. Offering a distraction from the political instability of the era – between 1907 and 1909, voters had gone to the state polls three times – the Jubilee Carnival reaffirmed and reinvigorated a story that had been told and retold each year at Brisbane's showgrounds for more than three decades. The particular power of the Carnival did not, therefore, derive from its status as a unique event that commemorated a defining moment in Queensland's development: the separation from New South Wales and the beginning of self-government in 1859. Instead, the significance of the Jubilee Carnival as the centrepiece of the 1909 celebrations depended on its effective alignment with Queensland's largest annual event, the Brisbane Exhibition, and on the resulting connections between the Carnival, the Exhibition and a narrative of successful colonisation that had been celebrated each year since the inaugural Brisbane Exhibition of 1876. For many non-Indigenous Queenslanders, it was a compelling story that resolutely ignored the unsavoury aspects of the state's past and present in favour of an uplifting account of a society in which perseverance, applied to nature's bounty in the interests of the British Empire, was rewarded. It was, above all, a story of progress – that most powerful of talismans for settler societies. The Jubilee Carnival thus reiterated a familiar story; in so doing, it confirmed the iconic status of the capital city's annual agricultural show and positioned the show's host, the National Agricultural and Industrial Association of Queensland (NAIAQ), as one of the state's most important organisations.


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