The U.S. Congressional Record as a technology of representation

2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zornitsa Keremidchieva

Focusing on the historical controversies surrounding the development of the print records of the U.S. congressional debates, this essay explores how human, technological, and discursive agencies come together to constitute institutional argumentative practice. Examining the U.S. Congressional Record through the lens of Bruno Latour’s concept of dingpolitik reveals that as a technology of representation print records work less as mediators and more as agents of institutional contextualization. Print records do more than translate arguments from oral to written form or transfer arguments from the public sphere to the state. Rather, they assemble the disparate elements that constitute the terrains of governance, the character of political issues, and the norms of congressional deliberation. Hence, the material dynamics of congressional deliberation prompt not only a reconsideration of what and who is being represented by Congress, but also a methodological reorientation from normative to constitutive perspectives on institutional argumentation.

2019 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 499-512
Author(s):  
Thomas Wabel

In public debates on moral or political issues between participants from different religious backgrounds, liberal and secular thinkers like John Rawls and Jürgen Habermas recommend to restrict oneself to free-standing reasons that are independent of their religious, social or cultural origin. Following German philosopher Matthias Jung, however, I argue that such reasons fall short of describing the relevance of the issue in question for the adherents of a specific religion or worldview. Referring to the debates in several European countries about the hijab, I am showing how a deeper understanding of reasons as embodied in social practices and as embodied in individual biographies can help to disentangle such debates and to facilitate a dialogue on these issues.


2006 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Meierhenrich

One of the most important challenges for the occupation of Iraq has been making decisions about the status of people who were either responsible for or who passively benefited from the regime's past injustices. But how should such people—in this case, members of the Baath Party—be dealt with? And how have they been dealt with under the U.S. occupation? Although lustration is just one of many institutions of jus post bellum, it is arguably one of the most important. The pursuit of administrative justice affects the reconstitution of the public sphere—literally and figuratively—in more fundamental ways than most other institutions of transitional justice. Yet our understanding of the ethics of occupation in the twenty-first century continues to be incomplete, and ethical principles are needed for guiding and clarifying how occupations may justly be carried out and for establishing a legitimate role for international morals in the conduct of peace. This article develops three such principles for guiding the practice of lustration, and argues that they have been widely flouted during the occupation of Iraq. This is problematic from the perspective of jus post bellum, for to paraphrase Michael Walzer's argument in Just and Unjust Wars, the restraint of peace is the beginning of peace.


2020 ◽  

Since the unexpected death of Ulrich Beck, there has largely been an absence of studies and debate on the continuation of his sociological work. One reason for this might be the fact that Beck’s writings revolve strongly around public resonance and everyday political issues. His approach to sociology, which straddles the border between academia and the public sphere, therefore represents a challenge for an academic discipline which is increasingly trying to overcome its own flawed and entrenched academic unity by demanding a more public form of sociology, but which has only just begun to tackle the work of one of its most important representatives in the public domain. This special edition aims to reassess the dialogue between the sociologist Ulrich Beck and the contemporary academic field of sociology.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominika Kaniecka

The people against Oliver Frljić, or Poland after The CurseIn the spring of 2017, the play entitled The Curse, directed by Oliver Frljić premiered at one of Warsaw theatres. It was not the first attempt to perform in Poland on the part of the Croatian director, well known as a controversial artist whose plays discuss social and political issues. His previous appearances on Polish stages usually evoked an air of scandal. The content of The Curse, too, had its producers investigated by the state prosecutors soon after its premiere; and blasphemy and incitement to crime in the theatre were discussed in the public sphere. The Curse is a loose adaptation of Stanisław Wyspiański’s drama, originally written in 1899. It deals provocatively with questions about modern religiousness and non-religiousness, touching upon relations between the Polish Catholic Church and the state, and upon national identity in contemporary Poland.This paper is focused on reactions to Frljić’s play, especially on different ways of expressing public anger as the most frequent reaction; it shows how politicians, members of religious and nationalist groups and other protesters became part of the performance. It aims to explain the success of one of the most scandalous theatrical ventures in Poland, describes the peculiarity of the Polish context, the dynamics of reaction of opponents and students of Frljić’s activities, and shows the lasting consequences as well as the performative potential of the Croatian director’s presence in the Polish public sphere. A very important circumstance in researching The Curse is that – as emphasized both in the performance itself and in the public debate – Polish national values were criticized by an outsider, in other words, by the Other.The article pays particular attention to two contexts: one is engaged theatre’s potential to transcend its own boundaries and influence the social and political reality; the other is the author’s personal participation in Frljić’s performance. Naród przeciwko Frljiciowi albo Polska po KlątwieWiosną 2017 roku w jednym z warszawskich teatrów premierę miał spektakl Klątwa w reżyserii Olivera Frljicia. To nie był debiut reżysera w Polsce, jego poprzednim działaniom na polskich scenach towarzyszyła atmosfera skandalu. Frljić jest znany jako kontrowersyjny artysta, którego sztuka dotyka sprawa społecznych i politycznych. Wkrótce po premierze prokuratura wszczęła postępowanie przeciwko realizatorom spektaklu, w związku z jego treścią; namawianie do zbrodni i bluźnierstwo w teatrze zdominowały dyskusje w sferze publicznej. Klątwa to luźna adaptacja dramatu Wyspiańskiego, napisana w 1899 roku. Prowokuje pytaniami o współczesną religijność i niereligijność, dotyka relacji między Kościołem katolickim a państwem, porusza także kwestie związane z tożsamością narodową we współczesnej Polsce.Artykuł koncentruje się na reakcjach na spektakl Olivera Frljicia, zwłaszcza na temat różnych sposobów wyrażania publicznego gniewu; pokazuje, jak politycy, członkowie grup religijnych i ugrupowań nacjonalistycznych oraz inni protestujący, stali się częścią przedstawienia. Tekst ma na celu wyjaśnienie sukcesu jednego z najbardziej skandalicznych przedsięwzięć teatralnych w Polsce, opisuje specyfikę polskiego kontekstu, dynamikę reakcji przeciwników i badaczy działań Frljicia, ale pokazuje także trwałe konsekwencje oraz performatywny potencjał obecności chorwackiego reżysera w polskiej sferze publicznej. Istotnym dla badań czynnikiem jest eksponowany i w spektaklu, i w debacie publicznej fakt, że polskie wartości narodowe zostały skrytykowane przez Innego/Obcego.Rozważania zostały przedstawione w kontekście oczywistego dla teatru zaangażowanego potencjału do przekraczania własnych granic, ingerowania w sprawy społeczne i polityczne, ale także w kontekście osobistego udziału autorki artykułu w spektaklu Frljića.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Elaine Howard Ecklund ◽  
David R. Johnson

New Atheism—a provocative and derisive anti-religious form of secularity—has established a central place in public thought through public intellectuals and scientists such as Richard Dawkins, Sam Harris, Daniel Dennett, and Christopher Hitchens. Science figures prominently in New Atheism, due in large part to such New Atheist thought leaders. And while the New Atheists have played an important role in giving voice to marginalized groups and promoting science, the rhetoric of New Atheism in the public sphere departs from the reality of atheism among day-to-day scientists. By studying what everyday atheist scientists in the U.S. and U.K. actually think about religion, we gain a more nuanced understanding of the varieties of atheism in science and the science-faith interface more broadly.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amelia Johns

This paper reviews the current literature regarding Muslim young people’s online social networking and participatory practices with the aim of examining whether these practices open up new spaces of civic engagement and political participation. The paper focuses on the experiences of young Muslims living in western societies, where, since September 11, the ability to assert claims as citizens in the public arena has diminished. The paper draws upon Isin & Nielsen’s (2008) “acts of citizenship” to define the online practices of many Muslim youth, for whom the internet provides a space where new performances of citizenship are enacted outside of formal citizenship rights and spaces of participation. These “acts" are evaluated in light of theories which articulate the changing nature of publics and the public sphere in a digital era. The paper will use this conceptual framework in conjunction with the literature review to explore whether virtual, online spaces offer young Muslims an opportunity to create a more inclusive discursive space to interact with co-citizens, engage with social and political issues and assert their citizen rights than is otherwise afforded by formal political structures; a need highlighted by policies which target minority Muslim young people for greater civic participation but which do not reflect the interests and values of Muslim young people.


Author(s):  
Christopher Bail

This chapter asks whether the influence of anti-Muslim organizations within the media and policy process extends toward the broader public and everyday life. Though public opinion of Muslims became more favorable after the September 11 attacks, subsequent years witnessed a marked increase in anti-Muslim attitudes among the American public that mirrored the rise of anti-Muslim organizations within the public sphere. Data from popular social media sites suggest the surge in anti-Muslim civil society organizations was at least partly responsible for the transformation of the American public's understanding of Islam. Finally, the chapter details the growth of mosque controversies within the U.S. inspired by fringe activists—including the high-profile controversy about the construction of an Islamic center near the site of the September 11 attacks and the Qur'an burning controversy that followed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Alicia Ferrndez Ferrer ◽  
Jessica Retis

Traditionally outside the mainstream, ethnic minorities have been active in developing their own media outlets throughout the world. Introducing ethnic minorities in the public sphere where social and political issues are articulated and negotiated, and struggles over hegemonic meanings take place these media have become empowering tools to struggle against cultural hegemony, exclusion and discrimination. In this regard, the potential of ethnic minority media as platforms for the expression, discussion and exchange of generally marginalised collectives must be recognised. However, a more thorough analysis of minority media compels us to be prudent, as also in this specific field there are tensions and contradictions arising from the multiple forces that influence media production, which can limit their counterhegemonic potential. This article invites scholars to analyse ethnic minority media in a critical way, highlighting both resistance to hegemonic discourses and the limits imposed by political and economic forces, as complexity is an inherent characteristic of the media field.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-105
Author(s):  
Lasarus Umbu Labu Pinyawali ◽  
Purwo Santoso ◽  
Paulus Sugeng Widjaja

This article seeks to release the Church from the false dichotomy of piety vs activeness in political issues, so that church members can optimally actualize piety and public responsibilities simultaneously. Apolitical piety has been running in GKS since its establishment on January 15, 1947, as the Dutch Reformed Church's evangelism legacy. Apolitical piety places the piety only as an individual's internal affair, not covering the public sphere. This discourse is a direct influence of Pietism, which began to develop in Europe in the 16th century. And Pietism itself was present as a response to Secularism, which originated in European society since the end Middle Ages. Like Pietism, Secularism also places the Church/religion and mystical aspects as personal human affairs because it doesn't want state life to be governed by or based on religion. But ideally, I view apolitical piety as the distorted discourse that should be abandoned and embrace new discourse: politics as an integral part of Church piety. 


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